50 B.C.
The matter of Caesar’s candidature for the consulship in absentia, while retaining his provinces and legions, causes a crisis towards the end of the year.
The matter of Caesar’s candidature for the consulship in absentia, while retaining his provinces and legions, causes a crisis towards the end of the year.
49 B.C.
The Senate refuses Caesar’s candidature in absentia for the year 48 and orders him to surrender his provinces at a fixed date and to return to
On which Caesar crosses the Rubicon near
Acc. to Plut.Pomp. Caesar would have said in Greek on this occasion:
”Anerriphtho kubos” In Latin, “Alea iacta est” In English
“The die is cast”.
The letters of
Shuckburgh. Publ:
These letters are in the public domain.
Introduction.
In this year the Civil War began in earnest as soon as Caesar crossed the Rubicon. Directly the news arrived Pompey left
CCCIII (A VII. II)
What in the world does it mean? What is going on? I am quite in the dark.
"We are in occupation of Cingulum," says some one; "we have lost
How can there be any "honour" where there is no moral right? Can it be morally right to have an army without commission from the state? To seize cities inhabited by one's fellow citizens, as a means of attacking one's own country? To be contriving abolition of debts, restoration of exiles, hundreds of other crimes “For royalty, the first of things divine?” Let him keep his fortune, and welcome! By heaven, I would rather have one hour of basking in your free sun than all the royalties of that kind in the world, or rather I would die a thousand times sooner than once take an idea of that sort into my mind: "What if you should take the fancy?" say you.
Well, everyone's wishes are free:
but I regard the mere wish as a greater misfortune than the cross. There is one
greater misfortune still - to attain such a wish.
But enough of this.It is a kind of relief to philosophize thus much in the midst of such troubles.
To return to our friend. In the name of fortune, what do you think of Pompey's plan? I mean in abandoning the city? For I am at a loss to explain it. Nothing, again, could be more irrational. Do you mean to abandon the city? Then you would have done the same if the Gauls were upon us. "The Republic," says he, "does not depend on brick and mortar." No, but it does depend on altars and hearths. "Themistocles did the same." Yes, for one city was incapable of resisting the flood of the whole East.
But Pericles did not so act, about
fifty years afterwards, for he abandoned everything except the walls. Our own
country men in the old times held the citadel, though the rest of the city was
taken:
“Such deeds of fame - so poets
told-
Our fathers wrought in days of old.”
”On the other hand, I gather from the indignation aroused in the municipia, and the conversation of those whom I meet, that this plan is likely to prove successful in a way. There is an extraordinary outcry - I don't know what people are saying with you, but pray let me know - at the city being without magistrates or senate.
Our fathers wrought in days of old.”
”On the other hand, I gather from the indignation aroused in the municipia, and the conversation of those whom I meet, that this plan is likely to prove successful in a way. There is an extraordinary outcry - I don't know what people are saying with you, but pray let me know - at the city being without magistrates or senate.
In fact, there is a wonderfully
strong feeling at Pompey's being in flight.
Indeed, the point of view is quite
changed: people are now for making no concessions to Caesar. Expound to me what
all this means. My department is a very quiet one. For Pompey wishes me to be a
kind of "president" of the whole of this Campanian seacoast, to
superintend the levy, and hold the chief command. Accordingly, I meditate being
continually on the move. I think you must see by this time what Caesar's aim,
what the disposition of the people, and the general position of affairs are.
Pray write and tell me about them, and that, too, as often as possible, since
they are continually shifting. For I find relief both in writing to you and in
reading your letters.CCCIV (A VII. 12)
As yet I have received only one letter from you dated the 19th, and in it you indicated that you had written another, which I have not received. But I beg you to write as often as possible, not only whatever you know or have been told, but also what you suspect, and above all what you think I ought to do or not to do. You ask me to be sure to let you know what Pompey is doing: I don't think he knows himself, certainly none of us do. I saw the consul Lentulus at Formiae on the 21st; I have seen Libo. Nothing but terror and uncertainty everywhere! Pompey is on the road to Larinum; for there are some cohorts there, as also at Luceria and Teanum, and in the rest of
Manius Lepidus, for his part - for
we have been together - draws the line at that, and so does L. Torquatus I am
hampered, among many other things, by my lictors: I have never seen such a
hopeless entanglement. Accordingly, I don't expect anything positive from you,
but merely your present impression. In fact, I want to know what the precise
difficulty in your mind is. It is all but certain that Labienus2 has abandoned him.
If it could only have been possible that on coming to Rome Labienus had found
magistrates and a senate there, he would have been of eminent service to our
cause. For it would have been clear that loyalty to the Republic had caused him
to hold one who was his friend guilty of treason. This is clear even now, but
of less practical advantage: for there is no one to be of advantage to, and I
expect him to feel some dissatisfaction - unless perchance it is not true,
after all, that he has abandoned Caesar. For myself; I am convinced that it is
true. Pray, though you say you confine yourself to the limits of your own
house, do give me a sketch of the City.
Is Pompey missed? Is there any
appearance of a feeling against Caesar? What, too, is your opinion as to
Terentia and Tullia? Should they stay at Rome
1] Cruelty like that of the tyrant Phalaris.
2] T. Atius Labienus had been Caesar's legatus
in 1] Cruelty like that of the tyrant Phalaris.
CVI (A VII.
MINTURNAE, 23 JANUARY 49 B.C.
As to the business of Vennonius, I agree with you. Labienus I regard as a "demigod."
There has been no political stroke this long time past more brilliant. If he has done no other good, he has at least given him pain. But as a matter of fact, I do think that some good has been done to the cause. I am charmed also with Piso, whose judgment on his son-in-law I think will have weight. But you perceive the nature of the war. It is only a civil war in the sense that it has originated from the unscrupulous boldness of one unprincipled citizen, not as arising from a division of sentiment between the citizens generally. But that man is strong in the possession of an army, he commands the allegiance of many by the prospects he holds out and the promises he makes: nothing that anyone possesses is beyond the scope of his desires. To such a man as this the city has been abandoned, without any garrison to protect it, crammed with every kind of wealth. What would you not have to fear from the man who regards those temples and roofs, not as constituting his fatherland? but as objects for plunder? What his proceedings are going to be, and how they are to be put into any shape, without senate and without magistrates, I cannot tell. He will not be able to keep up even a pretence of constitutional action. For us, however-where shall we be able to raise our heads or when? How utterly incapable our general is you yourself observe, in having had no intelligence of the state of affairs even in Picenum: and how devoid of any plan of campaign, the facts are witness. For, to say nothing of other mistakes committed during the last ten years, could any terms be worse than such a flight? Nor, indeed, have I any idea what he is contemplating at this moment, though I never cease asking again and again by letter. Everyone agrees that he is in a state of abject alarm and agitation. Accordingly, as far as I can see, there is no garrison to organize which he was kept at the city walls, nor any place where a garrison could be posted. His whole hope rests on the two legions somewhat treacherously retained, and almost to be regarded as belonging to another. For as yet, indeed, those whom he is enlisting are men reluctant to serve and averse from fighting. While the time for making terms has been let slip. I do not see what is going to happen. At any rate we, or our leader, have allowed things to come to this pass, that, having left harbour without a rudder, we must let ourselves drift before the storm. So I hesitate as to what to do with my son and nephew: sometimes I think I had better despatch them to
1] μάντις δ᾽ἄριστος, which, as usual, he leave Atticus to fill up. It is a line from a lost tragedy of Euripides: μάντις δ᾽ ἄριστος ὅστιςεἰκάζει καλῶς, “the best prophet is the good guesser.”
CCCVIII (A VII. 13 b)
MINTURNAE, 24 JANUARY 49 B.C.
I didn't guess your riddle: it is more obscure than Plato's number.1 However, I have made it out now: you meant the Oppii of Velia by your succones (blood-suckers).2
I wavered about it a long time; but
when I hit on the solution, the rest became clear and quite agreed with
Terentia's total.
I saw L. Caesar3
at Minturnae early on the 23rd of January with his utterly absurd message - he
is not a human being, but a broom with the binding off. I think Caesar himself
must have acted with the purpose of throwing ridicule on the affair, in
trusting a message on matters so important to such a man as this - unless,
perchance, he never did intrust it, and the fellow has, without warrant, made
use of some conversation which he picked up as a message. Labienus, a man of
noble character in my opinion, arrived at Teanum on the 22nd. There he met
Pompey and the consuls. What their conversation was, and what arrangement was
come to, I will write and tell you when I know for certain. Pompey set off from
Teanum in the direction of Larinum on the 23rd. He stopped that day at
Venafrum. Labienus seems to have brought no little courage to our side. But I
haven't yet anything to tell you from these parts: I expect rather to hear news
from you - what intelligence from Caesar reaches Rome, how he takes Labienus's
desertion, what Domitius is doing among the Marsi, Thermus at Iguvium, P.
Attius at Cingulum;4
what the feeling of the city folk is, what your own conjecture as to the
future: on all these points pray write frequently, and tell me what your
opinion is about my ladies, and what you intend doing yourself. If I had been
writing with my own hand, this letter would have been longer, but I dictated it
owing to my eyes being inflamed.
1] The "nuptial number" in the Republic, 545c-547A. On its interpretation much learned ink has been spent, mostly in vain. See Nuptial Number of Plato, its Solution and Significance, by James Adam, 1891.
2] The Oppii were money-lenders who had a house in
3] A distant connexion of Iulius Caesar. His father was Caesar's legatus, and he visited Caesar at Ariminum with a message from Pompey (with one of the praetors), and brought back a proposal that Pompey should go to his province of Spain, and that all troops in Italy should be disbanded, the comitia left free, and an interview immediately arranged between them (Caes. B.C. i. 8-9).
4] L. Domitius Ahenobarbus occupied Corfinium, but presently had to surrender it to Caesar. The same had happened to P. Attius Varus at Auximum (not Cingulum), and Q. Minucius Thermus had to surrender Iguvium to Curio (Caesar, B.C. 1.12.17).
CCCIX (A VII. 14)
CALES, 25 JANUARY 49 B.C.
I write this letter, though suffering from slight inflammation of the eyes, when on the point of quitting Cales for
Please let me know what you and
Sextus are thinking of doing as to leaving town, and what your opinion is on
the whole situation. For my part, I never cease urging peace, which, however
unfair, is better than the justest war in the world. But this is in
the hands of fortune.
1] Caesar (Bell.Civ. 1.14) calls this proposal unfair, for Pompey, who consented to promise to go to his province, mentioned no time at which he would go to
2] Many of Pompey's own veterans had been settled with grants of land in the ager Campanus, the old
3] Caesar gives an account of this (Caes. B.C. 1.14). He says that Lentulus, the consul, at first called these men out with a promise of freedom. But this seemed shocking to Roman ideas, and, being remonstrated with, he billeted them out as described.
4]
CCCX (A VII. 15)
Ever since I left Rome I have not let a single day pass without sending you something by way of letter; not because I had anything particularly to write about, but in order that I might chat with you in my absence, than which - since I cannot do so face to face - nothing gives me greater pleasure. On arriving at
All were anxious that Caesar should
stand by his offer, with the addition of withdrawing his garrisons. Favonius
alone disapproved of any conditions being imposed on us by him; but he was not
listened to in the discussion. For even Cato himself now prefers slavery to
fighting. However, he says that he wishes to be in the senate when the terms
are debated, if Caesar can be induced to withdraw his garrisons. So he is not
eager about going to Sicily Sicily
1] Apparently the two legions sent from Gaul a year before by Caesar for the Parthian war, which, according to Plutarch (Pomp. 57), were led into
CCCXI (F XVI. 12)
CICERO TO TIRO (AT PATRAE) –
How seriously my personal safety and that of all loyalists is imperilled, as well as that of the whole senate and Republic, you may judge from the fact that we have abandoned our town houses, and the very city itself, to plunder and conflagration. Matters have come to such a pitch that, unless some god or some accident intervenes, we cannot possibly be saved. For my part, ever since I arrived at the city, I have never ceased promoting in thought, word, and deed everything that made for peace: but a strange mad passion for fighting has inflamed not only the disloyal, but even those who are reckoned loyalists, though I loudly proclaim that nothing can be more lamentable than a civil war. Accordingly, when Caesar yielded to the promptings of what may be called downright insanity, and - forgetting his name and his honours - had successively occupied Ariminum, Pisaurum,
I wished you to know these facts, but don't let them
agitate you and retard your recovery. I have recommended you with great
earnestness to Aulus Varro, whom I know to be warmly attached to me and very
fond of you, asking him to interest himself in your health and your voyage, and
generally to take you under his charge and look after you. I feel certain he
will do all this, for he promised to do so, and spoke to me in the kindest
manner. Pray, since you were unable to be with me at the time I most wanted
your help and fidelity, do not hurry or allow yourself to embark upon a voyage
while ill, or in bad weather. I shall never think you come late if you come
well and strong. As yet I have seen no one who had seen you since M. Volusius, who handed me your
letter. I don't wonder at this, for I don't think my letters either can reach
you in such stormy weather. But do your best to recover, and, when you do
recover, only sail when you can do so with safety. My son is at Formiae,
Terentia and Tullia at Rome
Capua
1] That is, seventeen clear days.
2] Two of the three legates of Pompey in
CCCXIV (A VII. 17)
Your letter is both welcome and delightful. I thought of sending the boys to
1] Atticus invested much money in city property (Nepos, Att. 14).
3]
CCCXVIII (A VII. 21)
About our misfortunes you hear sooner than I: for they flow from
1] Sanctius aerarium. A reserve fund, said originally to have been made in case of a Gallic invasion, was replenished by the tax of five per cent. on the selling value of manumitted slaves. This was first levied in B.C. 357 (Livy, vii. i6), and remained in force till a late period of the empire. The reserve fund was drawn upon in B.C. 212, during the second Punic war (Livy, 27.11). According to Caesar (B.C. 1.4), the consuls were just about to open it before they left Rome, but, teirrified by a false report of Caesar's immediate approach, fled without doing so. Pompey now wishes them to go back for it.
CCCXXI (A VIII.
POMPEY TO CICERO (AT FORMIAE) –
LUCERIA, 10 FEBRUARY 49 B.C.Quintus Fabius came to me on the 10th of February. He brings me word that L. Domitius, with twelve cohorts of his own and with fourteen brought to him by Vibullius,1 were on the march to join me: that his intention was to quit Corfinium on the 9th of February, that Gaius Hirrus with five cohorts was coming up behind him.2 My opinion is that you should join me at Luceria. For here I think you will be safest.
1] L. Vibullius Rufus, Pompey's praefectus fabrum. 2] Caesar (B.C. 1.17) makes Domitius, writing to Pompey, mention "more than thirty cohorts," which agrees with these numbers (thirty one). L. Domitius Ahenobarbus had been nominated by the senate to the
CCCXXVIII
(A VIII. 12 c)
POMPEY TO L. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS
(IN CORFINIUM) -
LUCERIA, 16 FEBRUARY 49 B.C. (IN CORFINIUM) -
GNAEUS POMPRIUS, proconsul, salutes Lucius Domitius, proconsul.
M. Calenius has brought me a
despatch from you dated the 16th of February, in which you say that your
intention is to watch Caesar, and, if he commences his march upon me by the
coast road, to come to me with speed into Samnium; but that, if he spends time
about the towns in your district, you wish to resist him in case of his
approaching you. I think your plan is spirited and gallant; but I am compelled
to be more solicitous as to whether we may not, if divided, be unequal to our
opponent; since he has large forces and is likely soon to have larger. For a
man of your foresight ought not to reckon how many cohorts Caesar has at this
moment against you, but what amounts of infantry and cavalry he is likely to
collect before long. This is proved in my eyes by a letter from Bussenius to
me, in which he says—as I learn from other letters also—that Curio is drawing
the garrisons in Umbria and Etruria Sicily Italy
After I had written the above, Sicca brought me a
despatch and message from you. You urged me to come to you: I do not think that
I can do so, because I don't feel great confidence in these legions.2
1]
CCCXXIX (A VIII. 12 d)
POMPEY TO L. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS
(IN CORFINIUM) -
LUCERIA, 17 FEBRUARY 49 B.C.
(IN CORFINIUM) -
LUCERIA, 17 FEBRUARY 49 B.C.
I received a despatch from you on the 17th of February, in which you say that Caesar has pitched his camp near Corfinium. What I thought and warned you of is now taking place, namely, that at present he would not give you battle, and yet would hem you in by concentrating all his forces, to prevent the road to me being open to you, and your being able to unite your troops, formed of the strongest loyalists, with the legions of whose fidelity we are doubtful. I am therefore all the more disturbed by your letter. For I am not sufficiently confident in the good disposition of the soldiers, whom I now have with me, to risk a battle involving the safety of the state, nor have the levies made by the consuls as yet come in. Wherefore do your best, if it is still by any means possible, to extricate yourself, and Come here as soon as you can, before our opponent is joined by all his forces. For it is neither possible for the new levies to arrive here quickly, nor, if they had arrived, can it escape your observation how impossible it is to trust men, who are not even acquainted with each other, against veteran legions.1
1] This seems to be the letter, the contents of which Domitius tried to conceal from his council and the army at Corfinium, pretending that Pompey had promised to come speedily to his relief. The soldiers and centurions detected the truth, and hastened to make terms with Caesar. See Caesar, B.C. 1.19-20.
CCCXXX (A VIII.
POMPEY TO THE CONSULS –
LUCERIA, 17 FEBRUARY 49 B.C.GNAEUS MAGNUS, proconsul, greets the consuls, C. Marcellus and L. Lentulus.
Being of opinion that if we were scattered we could neither be of service to the state, nor protect ourselves, I sent a despatch to L. Domitius that, if possible, he should join me with all his men, and that, if he felt doubtful about himself, he should send me the nineteen cohorts which were on the march to join me from Picenum. What I feared has taken place: Domitius is surrounded, and is not in sufficient force to form a camp, because he has my nineteen and his own twelve cohorts distributed among three towns - for he has stationed some at Alba and some at Sulmo - and he cannot now extricate himself even if he wished. In these circumstances I am, I can assure you, in extreme anxiety. I am eager to relieve men who are so numerous and of such high position1 from the danger of a siege, and yet I cannot go to their assistance, because I do not think that we can trust these two legions to go there - of whom, after all, I have not been able to keep together more than fourteen cohorts; for I have sent two to Brundisium, and I did not think that Canusium ought to be left in my absence without a garrison. I had told Decimus Laelius to suggest to you, as I hope for an increase to my numbers, that one of you should join me, the other go to Sicily with the force you have collected at Capua and the neighbourhood of Capua, and the soldiers whom Faustus has recruited: that Domitius with his own twelve cohorts should form a junction with the same, and that all other forces of every description should muster at Brundisium, and be shipped thence to Dyrrachium. But as it is, since at this juncture I cannot go, any more than you, to the relief of Domitius, he must extricate himself by crossing the mountains, and I must be careful not to allow the enemy to get near these fourteen cohorts, whose loyalty is doubtful, or to catch me up on the march. Wherefore I have determined - and I find that Marcellus and other senators who are here agree with me - to march the force I have with me to Brundisium. I urge you to collect all the troops that you can collect, and come to me at Brundisium also as promptly as possible. I think you should use the arms, which you were intending to send to me, to arm the soldiers whom you have with you: if you will have all arms that may be to spare carted to Brundisium, you will have done the state excellent service. Please let my men know about this. I have sent word to the praetors P. Lupus and C. Coponius, to join you and take whatever men they have to you.
1] Domitius had with him his son, five senators, with many young men of senatorial families, a large number of equites, and magistrates from neighbouring municipia (cities) (Caes. B.C. 1.2
CCCXXXVIII (A VIII. 8)
FORMIAE, 24 FEBRUARY 49 B.C.
What a disgraceful and, for that reason, what a miserable thing! For, in my opinion, that which is disgraceful is ultimately, or rather is alone, miserable. He (Pompeius) had fostered Caesar, and then, all on a sudden, had begun to be afraid of him: he had declined any terms of peace: he had made no preparation for war: he had abandoned the city: he had lost Picenum by his own fault: he had blocked himself up in Apulia: he was preparing to go to Greece: he was going to leave us without a word, entirely uninformed of a move on his part so important and so unprecedented. Lo and behold, there is suddenly sprung on us a letter from Domitius to him, and one from him to the consuls. I thought honour had flashed before his eyes, and that he - the real man he ought to be - had exclaimed:
“ So let them try each sleight they may against me,
And every craft their cunning can devise:
The right is on my side.”1
But our hero, bidding a long good-bye to honour, takes himself to Brundisium, while Domitius, they say, and those with him, on hearing of this, surrendered. What a lamentable thing! Distress prevents my writing any more to you. I wait for a letter from you.
1] A fragment of Euripides, parodied by Aristoph. Acharn. 659.
CCCXLIII (F VIII. 15)
M. CAELIUS RUFUS TO CICERO (AT
FORMIAE) –
Did you ever see a more futile person than your friend Pompey, for having stirred up all this dust, without any stuff in him, after all? And, on the other hand, did you ever read or hear of anyone prompter in action than our Caesar, and more moderate in victory? Why! Do you think that our soldiers, who in the most inclement and frozen districts, in the severest winter weather, have successfully finished a war at a walk, have been fed on the pick of the orchard?1 "What, then," say you, "is it all glory with you?" Nay, if you only knew how anxious I am, you would laugh at this glory of mine, which, after all, has nothing to do with me. I can't explain matters to you unless we meet, and I hope that will soon take place. For as soon as he has driven Pompey out of
1] The people who have left their name in Ventimiglia.
2] L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who surrendered to Caesar at Corfinium, but was allowed to depart unharmed.
3] Apparently a slave, mother of Bellienus.
CXLVI (A IX.
CAESAR TO C. OPPIUS AND CORNELIUS
BALBUS
(AT I am very glad that your letter expresses such strong approval of what happened at Corfinium. I shall be glad to follow your advice, and all the more so, that I had spontaneously resolved to display the greatest clemency and to do my best to reconcile Pompey. Let us try in this way if we can recover the affections of all parties, and enjoy a lasting victory; for others, owing to their cruelty, have been unable to avoid rousing hatred, or to maintain their victory for any length of time, with the one exception of Lucius Sulla, whom I have no intention of imitating. Let this be our new method of conquering - to fortify ourselves by mercy and generosity. As to how that may be secured, certain ideas suggest themselves to my mind, and many more may be hit upon. I beg you to take these matters into consideration. I have taken Pompey's prefect Numerius Magius. Of course I kept to my policy, and caused him at once to be set at liberty. I have now had two of Pompey's prefects of engineers in my hands, and have set them both at liberty.1 If they wish to be grateful, they will be bound to advise Pompey to prefer my friendship to that of the men who have ever been most bitterly hostile both to him and myself, by whose intrigues the Republic has been reduced to its present position.2
1] L. Vibullius Rufus and Numerius Magius. The latter Caesar employed to negotiate with Pompey at Brundisium (Caes. B.C. 1.15, 24, 26). 2] Caesar dwells on this point, that Pompey was now joined with those who bad been enemies to them both, in the B.C. i. 4, declaring that much of their enmity, as far as he was concerned, had been actually incurred by his union with Pompey.
CCCLII (A IX. I)
Although by the time you read this I think I shall know what has happened at Brundisium - for Gnaeus left Canusium on the 21st of February, and I write on the 6th of March, the fourteenth day after his removing from Canusium - yet I am kept in painful suspense as to what each hour may bring, and am wondering that nothing even by way of rumour has reached me. There is a surprising silence. But perhaps all this is mere idle curiosity1 about what, after all, must soon be known.
One thing worries me, that I cannot at present make out where our friend P. Lentulus and Domitius are. Now I want to know, in order the easier to find out their intentions, whether they are going to Pompey, and if so, by what route and when. The city, indeed, I am told, is now crammed full of Optimates. I hear that Sosius and Lupus are sitting in court,2 whom our friend Gnaeus thought would arrive at Brundisium before himself. From these parts there is a general exodus. Even Manius Lepidus, with whom I am used to spend the day, is thinking of starting tomorrow.
For myself, I am stopping on at Formiae in order to get quicker intelligence. Then I am for Arpinum. Thence, by whatever road there is least chance of meetings, to the
1] κενόσπουδα.
2] C. Sosius and P. Rubilius Rufus, praetors.
CCCLVIII (A IX. 5)
On your birthday1 you wrote me a letter full of advice, and not only shewing the greatest kindness to me, but also the most admirable wisdom. Philotimus delivered it to me the day after receiving it from you. The points you put are indeed of extreme difficulty - the journey to the Upper Sea, a voyage by the Lower, a departure to Arpinum, lest I should seem to have avoided Caesar, a continuance at Formiae, lest I should seem to have put myself forward to congratulate him - but nothing is more distressing than the sight of those things, which, I tell you, must before long be seen.
Curtius Postumus has been with me: I told you how oppressive he was. Q. Fufius also has been to see me. What a triumphant look! What assurance! Post haste for Brundisium: denouncing the crime of Pompey, the recklessness and folly of the senate. If I can't stand such things in my own villa, shall I be able to put up with Curtius in the senate-house? But suppose me to endure this with good temper, what will be the sequel of the usual "Speak, Marcus Tullius"? To say nothing of the Republican cause, which I look upon as lost, both from the wounds inflicted on it and the cures prepared for them, what am I to do about Pompey? With whom - for why should I deny it? I am downright angry. For I am always more affected by the causes of events than by the events themselves. Therefore, turning over these disastrous events in my mind - and what could be more disastrous!-or rather, coming to the conclusion that they are his doing and his fault, I feel more hostile to him than to Caesar himself: just as our ancestors decided that the day of the battle of the Allia was more fatal than that of the capture of the city, because the latter evil was the result of the former; and accordingly the one day is even now regarded as accursed, while the other is generally unknown - so I, remembering the errors of ten years, among which was also that year which ruined me, without his defending me (not to put it more strongly), and being fully aware of the rashness, incompetence, and carelessness of the present management, felt my anger growing. But that is all forgotten now. It is of his kindness that I think, and also of my own position. I understand later, indeed, than I could have wished, thanks to the letters and conversations of Balbus - I see plainly, I repeat, that the one object now, nay, the one object from the beginning, was the death of Pompey. As for me, therefore, since Homer's hero, when his goddess mother said to him,
"For next to Hector's death thy doom is fixed," answered his mother:
“ Death, then! since fate allowed me not to save
The friend I loved.”2 What should I do for one who was not merely a "friend," but a "benefactor" also? One, too, of such a great character, and engaged in such a great cause? Why, in truth, I regard such duties as worth the loss of life. In your Optimates, however, I have no sort of confidence, and henceforth do not devote myself either to their service. I see how they are surrendering themselves to Caesar, and will continue to do so in the future. Do you suppose that those decrees of the municipalities as to Pompey's illness are to be compared with these congratulations now offered to Caesar on his victory? "All terror," you will say. Yes, but they themselves assert that they were alarmed on the former occasion. However, let us wait to see what has happened at Brundisium, Perhaps from that may come a change of plan and in the tone of my letters.
1] Natali die tuo. Several editors wish to omit natali, in which case the words will mean "on the day of your ague fit," as in previous letters.
2] Homer, Il. 18.96
CCCLIX (A IX. 6)
Nothing as yet from Brundisium. Balbus has written from
I had written thus far when a letter arrived from Capua
On this subject a letter has been received at Capua
And I am torn with grief.”4
And I am torn with grief.”4
Believe me, I really am beside myself to think of the
dishonour I have brought upon myself. That I, in the first place, should not be
with Pompey, whatever plan he has followed, nor, in the second place, with the
loyalists, however imprudently managed their cause! Especially, too, when those
very persons, for whose sake I was somewhat timid in trusting myself to fortune
- wife, daughter, son, and nephew - prefered that I should follow that design,
and thought that my present plan was discreditable and unworthy of me. For, as
to my brother Quintus, whatever I determined upon he said that he considered
right, and he accepted it with the most absolute acquiescence.
I am reading over your letters from the beginning of
the business. They somewhat relieve me. The earliest ones warn and entreat me
not to be precipitate. The next indicate that you are glad that I stayed.
Whilst reading themI feel less base, but only while I read them. Presently
grief and the "vision of shame" rises again. Wherefore, my dear
Titus, pray pluck out this sorrow from my mind, or at least mitigate it by
consoling words or advice, or by anything you can. But what could you or any human
being do? It is now almost beyond the power of God.
For my part, my object now, as you advise and think
possible, is to obtain leave from Caesar to absent myself when any motion is
being made against Pompey in the senate. But I fear I may not obtain the
concession. Furnius has arrived from Caesar. To shew you the sort of men we are
following, he tells me that the son of Q. Titinius is with Caesar, but that the
latter thanks me even more than I could wish. What, however, it is that he asks
of me, expressed indeed, for his part, in few words, but still en grand
seigneur, you may learn from his own letter. How distressed I am at your
ill-health: if we had only been together, you would at least not have wanted
advice. For "two heads," you know.5 But don't let us cry over spilt milk:6 let us do better for the
future. Up to this time I have been mistaken in two particulars: at the
beginning I hoped for peace, and, if that were once gained, was prepared to be
content with the life of a private citizen, and an old age freed from anxiety:
and later, I found that a bloody and destructive war was being undertaken by
Pompey. Upon my honour, I thought it shewed a better man and a better citizen
to suffer any punishment whatever rather than, I don't say to lead, but even to
take part in such bloody work. I think it would have been better even to die
than to be with such men. I shall bear any result with greater courage than
such a pain.
1] The via Minucia is spoken of by Horace (Ep. 1.18, 20) as an alternative route to the Appia leading to Brundisium. It seems to have been by this road that the Martia and fourth legion came to Alba Fucentia in 44 B.C., instead of proceeding up the coast road from Brundisium to Gaul, as
2] Usually given at the Liberalia (17th March).
3] M. Curtius Postumus.
4] Hom. Il. 10.91.
5] “Two comrades on the road: two beads in council:
Each sees for each and finds the better way
But he whose council is his single breast
Is scant of skill and slower to divine.
” Hom. 51.10.224-226.
6] Acta ne agamus, "let us not do what has been done," a proverb answering to "shutting the stable door when the horse is stolen," or "whipping a dead horse," or as in the text. See de Am. 85, where
CCCLXIII (A IX. 9)
I received three letters from you on the 16th of March. They were dated on the 12th, 13th, and 14th. So I will answer each in its order of time. I quite agree with you in thinking Formiae the best of all places for me to stay. I also agree with you about the Upper Sea, and I am very desirous, as I told you in a previous letter, to discover how I may without annoying Caesar avoid taking any part whatever in the conduct of public affairs. You praise me for saying that I put away the memory of my friend's past and his shortcomings. I really do so: nay, I even forget those very injuries inflicted by him upon myself which you mention. So much more influence do I choose gratitude for kindness to have with me, than resentment for injury. Let me act, then, according to your opinion, and summon up all my energies. The fact is, I am philosophizing all the time I am riding about the country, and in the course of my expeditions I never cease meditating on my theses. But some of them are very difficult of solution. As to the Optimates, be it as you will: but you know the proverb, "Dionysius at
I now come to your second. You are quite right to be
incredulous about the number of Pompey's men. Clodia just doubled them in her
letter.3 It was all
a lie also about disabling the ships. You praise the consuls: so do I as far as
their spirit is concerned, but I blame their policy. For by their departure the
negotiation for peace was rendered impossible, which I for one was meditating.
Accordingly, after this I sent you back Demetrius's book "On
Concord," and gave it to Philotimus. Nor have I any doubt left of a
murderous war impending, which will begin with a famine. And yet I am vexed
that I am not taking part in such a war! A war in which wickedness is certain
to attain such dimensions, that, whereas it is a crime not to support one's
parents, our leaders will think themselves entitled to starve to death the
supreme and holiest of parents - their country! And this fear is not with me a
matter of conjecture: I have heard their actual words. The whole object of
collecting this fleet from Alexandria , Colchis, Tyre , Sidon , Aradus , Cyprus ,
Pamphylia , Lycia ,
Rhodes, Chios, Byzantium , Lesbos, Zmyrna, Miletus , Cos,4
is to intercept the supplies of Italy Epirus Greece
1]The Liberalia (17th March).
1] This is generally interpreted by a reference to the story told in Tusc. 3.27, of Dionysius the younger, after being expelled from Syracuse, keeping a school at Corinth because he could not live without some absolute power; so the Optimates will not rest, Cicero is supposed to argue, till they get power, and then they will persecute me. Tyrrell and Purser think it sufficient to explain it as an example of the ups and downs of life. This hardly seems sufficiently in point here. I am inclined to dismiss the school-keeping altogether. Plutarch (in his life of Timoleon), giving a pretty full account of Dionysius's exile, says nothing about it; but does say that he adopted a life of dissipation and frivolity in Corinth to avert suspicion of intending to recover his power.
3] See Letter CCCLIX.
4] The fleet which Pompey was collecting from the East, where his name was still of the greatest weight.
5] I.e., has come home from
6] M. Aemilius Lepidus, praetor this year, consul B.C. 45, master of the horse to Caesar as dictator, Pontifex Maximus B.C. 44, triumvir B.C. 43-36.
7] Letter CCCLVI.
8] Hom. Il. 4.182.
9] I.e., to consult him on the legal question, and so strengthen his hands in answering Caesar.
10] No one knows what this digamma means. It may be some mark used by Atticus in the ledgers containing an account of properties on which he had lent money; or it may be that the word is a mistake for διάγραμμα, "a schedule," as was long ago conjectured.
11] B.C. 56.
CCCLXV (A IX.
On reading your letter, handed to
me by our friend Furnius, in which you ask me to come to the city walls, I was
not so much surprised at your wishing "to avail yourself of my advice and
position," but what you meant by speaking of my "influence and
assistance" I did ask myself. My thoughts, however, were so far dominated
by my hope, that I was induced to think that you wished to consult for the
tranquillity, peace, and harmony of our fellow citizens: and for a policy of
that kind I regarded both my natural disposition and my public character as
sufficiently well adapted. If
this is the case, and if you are at all anxious to preserve our common friend
Pompey, and to reconcile him to yourself and the Republic, you will assuredly
find no one better calculated than myself for supporting such measures. For, as
soon as opportunity offered, I pleaded for peace both to him and the senate;
nor since the commencement of hostilities have I taken any part whatever in the
war; and I have held the opinion that by that war you are being wronged, in
that men who were hostile to and jealous of you were striving to prevent your
enjoying an office granted you by the favour of the Roman people.1 But as at that
period I was not only personally a supporter of your rights, but also advised
everybody else to assist you, so at the present moment I am strongly moved by
consideration for the position of Pompey. It is now a good number of years ago
since I picked out you two as the special objects of my political devotion, and
- as you still are of my warm personal affection. Wherefore I ask you, or
rather entreat you, and appeal to you with every form of prayer, that in the
midst of your very great preoccupations you would yet spare some part of your
time to reflect how by your kindness I may be enabled to do what goodness and
gratitude, and, in point of fact, natural affection demand, by remembering the
extreme obligation under which I stand. If these considerations only affected
myself, I should yet have hoped to secure your assent; but, in my opinion, it
concerns both your own honour and the public interest that I - a friend to
peace and to you both - should, as far as you are concerned, be maintained in a
position best calculated to promote harmony between you and among our fellow
citizens.
Though I have thanked you before in regard to
Lentulus,2 for
saving the man who saved me, yet after reading a letter from him, in which he
speaks with the utmost gratitude of your generous treatment and kindness to
him, I felt that the safety you gave him was given to me also: and if you
perceive my gratitude in his case, pray take means to allow me to shew the same
in the case of Pompey.
1] Cicero is using language which he had reason to know was such as Caesar had himself used to L. Caesar at Ariminum - doluisse se, quod P. R. beneficium percontumeliam ab inimicis extorqueretur (Caes. B. C. 1.9). It is rather a pitiflil attempt to "sit on the hedge," considering what his real sentiments were. 2] P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, consul B.C. 57, to whom we have had many letters addressed while he was in
CCCLXIX (A IX.
BALBUS TO CICERO (AT FORMIAE) -
Caesar has sent me a very short
note, of which I append a copy. From the shortness of the letter you will be
able to gather that he is much occupied, or he would not have written so
briefly on so important a subject. If I get any farther intelligence I will at
once write you word.
CAESAR TO OPPIUS AND CORNELIUS
On the 9th of March I reached
Brundisium. I have pitched my camp under the walls. Pompey is at Brundisium. He
sent Numerius Magius to me to negotiate for peace.1 I answered as I thought right. I
wished you to know this at once. As soon as I see any prospect of success in
coming to terms, I will at once inform you of it.
You can imagine, my dear Cicero
1] Numerius Magius was Pompey's praefectus fabrum. According to Caesar (B.C. 1.24 – 26), he fell into Caesar's hands during his march on Brundisium, and was sent by him with a message to Pompey, but did not return with any answer. Caesar then sent Caninius Rutilius to endeavour to induce Pompey to, have a personal conference. In the Commentaries Caesar may, from a lapse of memory, have confused matters. Still, it looks as though in the commentary he meant to justify himself. He has represented the proposals for peace as emanating from himself, whereas the letter shews that they came from Pompey. It may, however, be that when Magius is said to have been deprensus ex itinere he was really on his way with a message from Pompey.
CCCLXXI (A IX. 14）
TO ATTICUS (AT ROME
FORMIAE, 25 MARCH 49 B.C.I had sent you, on the 24th of March, a copy of a letter from Balbus to me and of Ceasar's to him. Lo and behold, on the same day I receive a letter from Q. Pedius, from
Where is the peace, as to which Balbus said that he
was in a state of anxiety? Could there be anything more vindictive,
more ruthless? Moreover, a certain person told me on good authority that Caesar
gives out that he is avenging Cn. Carbo, M. Brutus,2 and all those on whom Sulla, with Pompey's
assistance, had wreaked his cruelty; that Curio was doing nothing under his
leadership which Pompey had not done under Sulla's; that he was seeking the
restoration of those whose exile had not been inflicted upon them by earlier
laws, while Pompey had restored men who had been traitors to their country;
that he complained of the violence used to secure Milo's exile, but that,
nevertheless, he would harm no one unless he appeared in array against him.
This is the story told by a certain Baebius, who left
Curio on the 13th, a man who is not without some sense, but yet not capable of
inventing this out of his own head. I am quite at a loss what to do. From
Brundisium, indeed, I suppose Pompey has already started. Whatever has
happened, we shall know in two days. I haven't a line from you, not even by
Anteros. No wonder: for what is there for us to write about? Nevertheless, I
don't omit a single day.
P.S
After this letter was written, I got a letter from
Lepta before daybreak dated from Capua Capua
1] Caesar occupied nine days in this work, which was only half completed then. He did not really expect to be able thoroughly to block the harbour. His object was to frighten Pompey into leaving
CCCLXXII (A IX. 15)
After I had despatched the letter informing you that Caesar would be at Capua on the 26th, I received one from Capua saying that he would be in Curio's Alban villa on the 28th.1 When I have seen him I shall go to Arpinum. If he grants me the indulgence I ask for,2 I shall avail myself of his terms: if not, I shall take my own line without consulting anyone but myself.3 Caesar, as he has informed me, has stationed a legion at Brundisium, Tarentum, and Sipontum respectively. He appears to me to be closing up exits by sea, and yet himself to have his eyes on
You say that I have written more bitterly about
Dionysius than suits my character. See what an old-fashioned man I am! I
thought, upon my honour, that you would be annoyed at this affair more than I
was myself. For, besides the fact that I think you ought to be moved by an injury
done me by anyone, this man has also in a certain sense outraged yourself in
having behaved badly to me. But what account you should take of this it is for
you to judge. However, in this matter I don't wish to lay any burden upon you.
For my part, I always thought him half cracked, now I think him a scoundrel and
a good-for-nothing besides: and yet, after all, not a worse enemy to me than to
himself. What you said to Philargyrus was quite right: you certainly have a
clear and good case in proving that I had been abandoned rather than had
abandoned. When I had already despatched my letter on the 25th, the servants
whom I had sent with Matius and Trebatius brought me a letter, of which this is
a copy:
MATIUS AND TREBATIUS TO CICERO
After leaving Capua we heard, while
on the road, that Pompey, with all the forces he had, started from Brundisium
on the 15th of March: that Caesar next day entered the town, made a speech,
hurried thence for Rome, intending to be at the city before the 1st of April
and to remain there a few days, and then to start for Spain. We thought it the
proper thing to do, since we were assured of Caesar's approach, to send your
servants back to you, that you might be informed of it as early as possible. We
do not forget your charges, and we will carry them out as circumstances shall
demand. Trebatius is making great exertions to reach you before Caesar. After
this letter had been written we received tidings that Caesar would stop at
Beneventum on the 25th of March, at 1] Messrs. Tyrrell and Purser adopt a conjecture of Madvig's, et hiccopiam mihi et in
2] I.e., leave to absent himself from the senate, and to take neither side in the war.
3] Lit. "I shall ask and obtain something from myself." He means,
4] See epistle CCCLXIII (A IX, 9)
5] Who was proscribed by Sulla.
6] Homer, Odyss. 20.18: "Endure, oh heart! still worse hast borne before."
7]
8] The text of this passage is hopelessly corrupt. I have taken tentatively Schütz's reading, neque descripta attulit illa Lucius. The refer ence is thus to the proposals sent in January by Caesar to the consuls and Pompey by L. Caesar and the praetor Roscius (Caes. B.C. 1.9-10; Letter CCCXIV).
CCCLXXV (A IX. 18)
I followed your advice in both particulars: for I spoke in such a manner as rather to gain his respect than his thanks, and I stuck to the resolution of not going to
But I wait for a letter from you. For you can't say,
as in former ones, "Let us see how this turns out." The final test
was to be our meeting, and in that I feel certain I have offended him. All the
more prompt must be my next step. Pray send me a packet, and full of politics! I am very
anxious for a letter from you.
1] Some other words (in qua eraterosceleri) occur here, manifestly corrupt, of which nothing can be made.
2] Λαλαγεῦσαvillam, which seems a certain restoration of the Greek letters of the MSS., as is explained by Letter CCCLXI, where he quotes another part of the Greek epigram (Anth. 10.1), on the season for sailing announced by the swallow, harbinger of spring:
“See the meads bloom! the time has come for sailing:
The twittering swallow hails spring here at last. Hushed is the sea,
the soft west wind prevailing,
Late swollen with waves and lashed with bitter blast.”
Of course,
3] Actum ne agas. It should be noticed that in this account of the interview with Caesar the name of Caesar does not occur, perhaps from caution.
CCCLXXXII (F VIII. 16)
M. CAELIUS RUFUS TO CICERO (AT
FORMIAE) -
ON THE ROAD TOSPAIN
ON THE ROAD TO
Being mortally alarmed by your letter, in which you shewed that your mind was filled with gloomy ideas, without saying outright what they were, and yet betraying the kind of action which you were contemplating, I write this letter to you on the spot. In the name of your fortunes and your children, my dear Cicero, I beg and beseech you not rashly to imperil your safety and security. I protest in the name of gods and men, and of our friendship, that I told you beforehand, and that my warning was not given inconsiderately, but that after meeting Caesar, and ascertaining what his view would be, if he gained the victory, I informed you of it. If you think that Caesar will maintain the same policy in letting his adversaries go and offering terms, you are mistaken. His thoughts, and even his words, forebode nothing but severity and cruelty. He left town incensed with the senate: he was thoroughly roused by the recent tribunician intercessions:2 there will be no place, by heaven, for mediation. Wherefore, if you love yourself, if you love your only son, if your family and your remaining hopes are dear to you: if I, or that excellent man your son-in-law, have any influence with you - and you surely ought not to wish to ruin us, in order to force us to choose between loathing and abandoning the cause, on the triumph of which our safety depends, or harbouring an unnatural wish against your safety. Finally consider this: whatever offence your hesitation has caused Pompey you have already incurred; it would be a piece of most consummate folly to act against Caesar now that he is victorious, when you refused to attack him while his fortunes were doubtful - to join the men after they have been driven into flight, whom you refused to follow when they were holding their ground. Take care lest, while feeling ashamed of not being a good enough Optimate, you fail to select the best course for yourself. But if I can't persuade you to take my advice in toto, at least wait till it is known how we get on in the Spanish provinces, which I have to tell you will be ours as soon as Caesar arrives. What hope your people have when the
1] Probably near
CCCLXXXIV (A X. 8 b)
CAESAR TO CICERO (AT FORMIAE) –
ON THE ROAD TO CAESAR imperator greets CICERO imperator.
Although I had come to the conclusion that you were not likely to do anything unadvisedly or imprudently, yet, being made anxious by common report, I thought that I ought to write to you and to appeal to you, in the name of our mutual kindness, not to go anywhere now that fortune has declared in my favour, that you had not thought yourself bound to go even when it was still uncertain. For you will have at once committed a somewhat serious offence against our friendship, and have adopted a course far from beneficial to yourself: since you will make it clear that you have not followed fortune - for all the good luck has notoriously been on our side, all the bad on theirs - nor the merits of the cause, for they are the same now as when you judged it best not to assist at their deliberations: but you will shew that you have condemned some act of mine, and that is the heaviest blow you can inflict on me. In the name of our friendship, I beg you not to do so. Finally, what can be from civil strife? It is a thing some would have been glad to do,1 but could not on account of the danger. For yourself, when you have satisfied yourself as to the evidence which my life furnishes, and the decision at which my friendship for you has arrived,2 you will find nothing at once safer and more honourable than to abstain entirely from active intervention in the fray.
On the march, 16 April.
1] He seems to mean himself. 2] It is difficult to be certain what Caesar means by iudicio amicitiae. I think he refers to his decision to allow
CCCXC (A X.
M. ANTONIUS TO CICERO
(AT CUMAE
Had I not been warmly attached to you - much more warmly, indeed, than you suppose - I should not have been alarmed at the rumour which has reached me about you, especially as I thought it was without foundation. But just because I am so exceedingly devoted to you, I cannot conceal the fact that even a report, however groundless, is a serious thing in my eyes. I cannot believe that you are about to cross the sea, considering how highly you value Dolabella and your dear Tullia, and how highly you are valued by me, to whom, by heaven, your rank and reputation are almost dearer than they are to yourself. Nevertheless, I did not think that it would be friendly in me not to be rendered anxious by the talk even of men of low character. And, indeed, I have been the more zealous, because I considered that I had thrust upon me a somewhat difficult part to play, owing to the misunderstanding between us, which was the result of jealousy on my part rather than of any wrong done me by you.1 For I want to convince you that no one is dearer to me than you are, except my Caesar, and that my conviction at the same time is that Caesar gives M. Cicero a very high place among his friends. Wherefore, my dear Cicero, I beg you not to take any compromising step; and not to place any reliance on the man who, to do you a favour, first inflicted an injury upon you; and, on the other hand, not to fly from one who, even supposing he loses all affection for you - which is impossible - will yet desire your safety and your highest honour. I have taken pains to send my most intimate friend Calpurnius2 to you, that you may know that your life and honour are great objects with me.
1] We have no references in previous letters to any misunderstanding between Antony and Cicero, but in the second Philippic, 2, 48, 49, Cicero says that Antony was an intimate friend of P. Clodius in B.C. 58, that he (Cicero) had interfered to break off his connexion with the younger Curio, and had a controversy with him in regard to a lawsuit with one Sicca, a freedman of Antony's. Again, in B.C. 53, they had both been candidates for the augurship, though
CCCXCI (A X. 8)
The state of affairs itself, as well as your remark and my own observation, make it clear that the time has come to put an end to our correspondence on subjects which it would be dangerous to have intercepted. But as my dear Tullia keeps writing to me begging me to wait and see how things go in
All my interests have been confided to you, though
they need no recommendation of mine, considering your affection for me. Nor, by
Hercules, can I hit upon anything to write: for I am sitting waiting
"sailing orders." Yet I never felt more bound to tell you anything
than that none of all the delightful services you have done has been more
grateful to my feelings, than your most delicate and careful attentions to my
Tullia. She has herself been exceedingly charmed with them - as I have been no
less. What high qualities she has
shewn! How admirably she faces the public disaster! How admirably her domestic
difficulties! What spirit she has displayed in the matter of my departure! She
loves me dearly, she has the deepest sympathy with my feelings - yet she will
have me act rightly and preserve my reputation. But don't let me enlarge too
much on this theme, lest I should at this juncture rouse my own self-pity. If
you get any surer intelligence about Spain, or anything else, pray write and
tell me while I am still in the country; and, perhaps, at the moment of my
departure I shall send you some intelligence, the more so that Tullia thinks
that you are at present not thinking of leaving Italy. I must put before Antony , as I did before Curio, my wish to reside in Malta
1]
3] Because, though they were his friends, and had been defended by him, they had been legally condemned, and their recall by Caesar's bare authority would be looked upon as offensive to a friend of the constitution.
4] The text of this sentence is hopelessly corrupt. But the general sense is, I think, something like what I have given.
5]
6] Attus Naevius, the famous augur in the time of the Tarquins.
7] Referring apparently to Plato's Republic, 8.562 to 9.580; but the inevitable shortness of a tyrant's sway is not much brought out in this passage of Plato. It is rather the misery of his own feelings that is dwelt upon.
8] L. Caecilius Metellus, the tribune. His opposition in the senate on Caesar's visit to
9] By his seizing the treasury.
10] Thucydides, i 138.
11] P. Scipio Africanus the younger, after delivering a speech in defence of the rights of the Italians, was found dead in his bed. Popular rumour attributed his death to assassination at the bands of Carbo, to which belief
12] Cicero is thinking, not of a future life - in the Christian sense - but of the eternity of fame: as he says elsewhere that he cared more for what people said of him 600 years hence than what they said now.
13] Letter CCCXC.
CCCXCIV (A X. 10)
How blind of me not to have seen this before! I send you
1]
3] To
4] Who had closed their gates to Caesar, and were now being besieged by Caesar's officers, Dec. Brutus and Trebonius.
5]
CDII (A X. 18)
My Tullia was confined on the 19th of May - a boy, a seven months' child. I have reason to be thankful that she had a good delivery. The child itself is a poor little weakling. An astonishingly dead calm has as yet kept me from starting, and has been a greater impediment than the watch kept upon me. For all that talk of Hortensius was mere persiflage. The truth will turn out to be this: that most dissolute of men has been corrupted by his freedman Salvius.1 Accordingly, henceforth I shall not write and tell you what I am going to do, but only what I have done. For all the eavesdroppers of Corycus2 seem to be listening to what I say. Do you, however, I beg, continue to tell me any news there are of Spain, or anything else; but don't expect a letter from me, except when I have arrived at my wished - for destination, or in case I can send anything during my voyage. Even this I write with fear and trembling: so slowly and heavily does everything drag on. The foundation was badly laid, the rest follows suit. I am now making for Formiae: perhaps the Furies will follow me there too. a However, to judge from Balbus's conversation with you, my idea of
1] The text of these sentences is doubtful. 2] Κωpυκαῖoι became a proverbial term for spies or eavesdroppers, says Stephanos of Byzantium, from the piratic folk of Corycus in lonia, who listened for the arrival of merchant vessels, in order to plunder them: or, as others explain, because they spied out the merchant vessels and gave information to the pirates.
a [R.I. The Furies: three goddesses of vengeance: Tisiphone (avenger of murder), Megaera (the jealous) and Alecto (constant anger). They were also called the Daughters of the Night, but were actually the daughters of Uranus and Gaea. Another name for them is the Erinyes.]
CDIII (F XIV. 7)
FORMIAE, 7 JUNE 49 B.C.
All those uneasy feelings and melancholy thoughts, by which I kept you in such extreme distress, which makes me more uneasy than anything - as well as Tulliola, who is dearer to me than life itself - I have got rid of and ejected. The reason of it all I discovered the day after I parted from you. I threw up sheer bile during the night: I was at once so much relieved, that I really think some god worked the cure. Pray make full and pious acknowledgment to the god (Apollo or Aesculapius), according to your wont. I hope I have a very good ship. I write this at the moment of embarkation. Presently I will compose a large number of letters to our friends, to whose protection I will commend you and our dear Tulliola with the greatest earnestness. I would have added exhortations to you with a view to raising your courage, had I not known that you were more courageous than any man. And, after all, I hope affairs are of such a nature, that I may venture to expect you to be as comfortable as possible there, and myself to be at last likely, in company with men like-minded with myself, to be acting in defence of our country. Let your first care be your health: next, if it seems to you possible, make use of the villas farthest removed from men in arms. You can with advantage use the place at Arpinum with your town establishment, if the price of food goes up. Our charming young
