THE THIRD PHILIPPIC
THE
ARGUMENT.
After the
composition of the last speech, Octavius, considering that he had reason to be
offended with Antonius, formed a plot for his assassination by means of some
slaves, which however was discovered. In the meantime, Antonius began to
declare more and more openly against the conspirators. He erected a statue in
the forum to Caesar, with the inscription, To the most worthy Defender of his
Country. Octavius, at the same time, was trying to win over the soldiers of his
uncle Julius, and outbidding Antonius in all his promises to them, so that he
soon collected a formidable army of veterans. But as he had no public office to
give him any color for his conduct, he paid great court to the republican
party, in hopes to get his proceedings authorized by the senate; and he kept
continually pressing Cicero to return to Rome and support him. Cicero , however, for some
time kept also suspecting partly his abilities, on account of his exceeding
youth and partly his sincerity in reconciling himself to his uncle's murderers,
however, at last he returned, after expressly stipulating that Octavius should
employ all his forces in defense of Brutus and his accomplices
Antonius left Rome about the end of September, in order to engage in his
service four legions of Caesar's, which were on their return from Macedonia . But
when they arrived at Brundusium three of them refused to follow him, on which
he murdered all their centurions, to the number of three hundred, who were all
put to death in his lodgings in the sight of himself and Fulvia his wife, and
then returned to Rome with the one legion which he had prevailed on while the other
three legions declared as yet for neither party. On his arrival in Rome he published many
very violent edicts, and summoned the senate to meet on the twenty-fourth of
October, then he adjourned it to the twenty eighth; and a day or two before it
met, he heard that two out of the three legions had declared for Octavius, and
encamped at Alba. And this news alarmed him so much, that he abandoned his
intention of proposing to the senate a decree to declare Octavius a public
enemy and after distributing some provinces among his friends, he put on his
military robes, and left the city to take possession of Cisalpine Gaul which
had been assigned to him by a pretended law of the people' against the will of
the senate.
On the news of
his departure Cicero returned to Rome , where he arrived on
the ninth of December. He immediately conferred with Pansa one of the consuls
elect (Hirtius his colleague was ill) as to the measures to be taken. He was
again addressed with earnest solicitations by the friends of Octavius, who, to
confirm his belief in his good intentions, allowed Casca, who had been of the
slayers of Caesar and had himself given him the first blow, to enter on his
office as tribune of the people on the tenth of December.
The new
tribunes convoked the senate for the nineteenth on which occasion Cicero had
intended to be absent but receiving the day before the edict of Decimus Brutus,
by which he forbade Antonius to enter his province (immediately after the death
of Caesar he had taken possession of Cisalpine Gaul, which had been conferred
on him by Caesar) and declared that he would defend it against him by force and
preserve it in its duty to the senate, he thought it necessary to procure for
Brutus a resolution of the senate in his favor. He went down therefore very
early, and, in a very full house, delivered the following speech.
[2] What is the use then of waiting, or of
even a delay for the very shortest time? For although the first of January is
at hand, still a short time is a long one for people who are not prepared. For
a day, or I should rather say an hour, often brings great disasters, if no
precautions are taken. And it is not usual to wait for a fixed day for holding
a council, as it is for celebrating a festival. But if the first of January had
fallen on the day when Antonius first fled from the city, or if people had not
waited for it, we should by this time have no war at all, For we should easily
have crushed the audacity of that frantic man by the authority of the senate
and the unanimity of the Roman people. And now, indeed, I feel confident that
the consuls elect will do so, as soon as they enter on their magistracy. For
they are men of the highest courage, of the most consummate wisdom, and they
will act in perfect harmony with each other. But my exhortations to rapid and
instant action are prompted by a desire not merely for victory, but for speedy
victory.
[3] For how long are we to trust to the
prudence of an individual to repel so important, so cruel, and so nefarious a
war? Why is not the public authority thrown into the scale as quickly as
possible?
Ch.
2
Caius Caesar, a young man, or, I should
rather say, almost a boy, embued with an incredible and godlike degree of
wisdom and valor, at the time when the frenzy of Antonius was at its height,
and when his cruel and mischievous return from Brundusium was an object of
apprehension to all, while we neither desired him to do so, nor thought of such
a measure, nor ventured even to wish it (because it did not seem practicable),
collected a most trustworthy army from the invincible body of veteran soldiers,
and has spent his own patrimony in doing so. Although I have not used the
expression which I ought,for he has not spent it,he has invested it in the
safety of the republic.
[4] And although it is not possible to
requite him with all the thanks to which he is entitled, still we ought to feel
all the gratitude toward him which our minds are capable of conceiving. For who
is so ignorant of public affairs, so entirely indifferent to all thoughts of
the republic, as not to see that, if Marcus Antonius could have come with those
forces which he made sure that he should have, from Brundusium to come, as he
threatened, there would have been no description of cruelty which he would not
have practiced? A man who in the house of his entertainer at Brundusium ordered
so many most gallant men and virtuous citizens to be murdered, and whose wife's
face was notoriously besprinkled with the blood of men dying at his and her
feet. Who is there of us, or what good man is there at all, whom a man stained
with this barbarity would ever have spared; especially as he was coming hither
much more angry with all virtuous men than he had been with those whom he had
massacred there?
[5] And from this calamity Caesar has
delivered the republic by his own individual prudence (and, indeed, there were
no other means by which it could have been done). And if he had not been born
in this republic we should, owing to the wickedness of Antonius, now have no
republic at all. For this is what I believe, this is my deliberate opinion,
that if that one young man had not checked the violence and inhuman projects of
that frantic man, the republic would have been utterly destroyed. And to him we
must, O conscript fathers (for this is the first time, met in such a condition,
that, owing to his good service, we are at liberty to say freely what we think
and feel), we must, I say, this day give authority, so that he may be able to
defend the republic, not because that defense has been voluntarily undertaken
by him, but also because it has been entrusted to him by us.
Ch.
3
[6] Nor (since now after a long interval
we are allowed to speak concerning the republic) is it possible for us to be
silent about the Martial legion. For what single man has ever been braver, what
single man has ever been more devoted to the republic than the whole of the
Martial legion? which, as soon as it had decided that Marcus Antonius was an
enemy of the Roman people, refused to be a companion of his insanity; deserted
him though consul; which, in truth, it would not have done if it had considered
him as consul, who, as it saw, was aiming at nothing and preparing nothing but
the slaughter of the citizens, and the destruction of the state. And that
legion has encamped at Alba. What city could it have selected either more
suitable for enabling it to act, or more faithful, or full of more gallant men,
or of citizens more devoted to the republic?
[7] The fourth legion, imitating the
virtue of this legion, under the leadership of Lucius Egnatuleius, the
quaestor, a most virtuous and intrepid citizen, has also acknowledged the
authority and joined the army of Caius Caesar.
We, therefore, O conscript fathers, must
take care that those things which this most illustrious young man, this most
excellent of all men has of his own accord done, and still is doing, be
sanctioned by our authority; and the admirable unanimity of the veterans, those
most brave men, and of the Martial and of the fourth legion, in their zeal for
the reestablishment of the republic, be encouraged by our praise and
commendation. And let us pledge ourselves this day that their advantage, and
honors, and rewards shall he cared for by us as soon as the consuls elect have
entered in their magistracy.
Ch.
4
[8] And the things which I have said about
Caesar and about his army, are, indeed, already well known to you. For by the
admirable valor of Caesar, and by the firmness of the veteran soldiers, and by
the admirable discernment of those legions which have followed our authority,
and the liberty of the Roman people, and the valor of Caesar, Antonius has been
repelled from his attempts upon our lives. But these things, as I have said,
happened before; but this recent edict {It was this that induced
[9] Those men had learned to obey kings
ever since the foundation of the city, but we from the time when the kings were
driven out have forgotten how to be slaves. And that Tarquinius, whom our
ancestors expelled, was not either considered or called cruel or impious, but
only The Proud. That vice which we have often borne in private individuals, our
ancestors could not endure even in a king.
Lucius Brutus could not endure a proud
king. Shall Decimus Brutus submit to the kingly power of a man who is wicked
and impious? What atrocity did Tarquinius ever commit equal to the innumerable
acts of the sort which Antonius has done and is still doing? Again, the kings
were used to consult the senate; nor, as is the ease when Antonius holds a
senate, were armed barbarians ever introduced into the council of the king. The
kings paid due regard to the auspices, which this man, though consul and augur,
has neglected, not only by passing laws in opposition to the auspices but also
by making his colleague (whom he himself had appointed irregularly, and had
falsified the auspices in order to do so) join in passing them.
[10] Again, what king was ever so
preposterously impudent as to have all the profits and kindnesses, and
privileges of his kingdom on sale? But what immunity is there, what rights of
citizenship, what rewards that this man has not sold to individuals and to cities
and to entire provinces.? We have never heard of anything base or sordid being
imputed to Tarquinius. But at the house of this man gold was constantly being
weighed out in the spinning room, and money was being paid, and in one single
house every soul who had any interest in the business was selling the whole
empire of the Roman people. We have never heard of any executions of Roman
citizens by the orders of Tarquinius; but this man both at Suessa murdered the
man whom he had thrown into prison, and at Brundusium massacred about three
hundred most gallant men and most virtuous citizens.
[11] Lastly, Tarquinius was conducting a
war in defense of the Roman people at the very time when he was expelled.
Antonius was leading an army against the Roman people at the time when, being
abandoned by the legions, he cowered at the name of Caesar and at his army, and
neglecting the regular sacrifices, he offered up before daylight vows
{Consuls and praetors, on departing to
their provinces, made solemn vows: Livy XCI.10. [12] But, while all slavery is miserable, to be slave to a man who is profligate, unchaste, effeminate, never, not even while in fear, sober, is surely intolerable. He, then, who keeps this man out of
[13] Nor is it possible to pass over in
silence the virtue and the firmness and the dignity of the province of Gaul .
For that is the flower of Italy ;
that is the bulwark of the empire of the Roman people; that is the chief
ornament of our dignity. But so perfect is the unanimity of the municipal towns
and colonies of the province
of Gaul , that all men in
that district appear to have united together to defend the authority of this
order, and the majesty of the Roman people. Wherefore, O tribunes of the
people, although you have not actually brought any other business before us
beyond the question of protection, in order that the consuls may be able to
hold the senate with safety on the first of January, still you appear to me to
have acted with great wisdom and great prudence in giving an opportunity of
debating the general circumstances of the republic. For when you decided that
the senate could not be held with safety without some protection or other, you
at the same time asserted by that decision that the wickedness and audacity of
Antonius was still continuing its practices within our walls.
Ch.
6
[14] Wherefore, I will embrace every
consideration in my opinion which I am now going to deliver, a course to which
you, I feel sure, have no objection; in order that authority may be conferred
by us on admirable generals, and that hope of reward may be held out by us to
gallant soldiers, and that a formal decision may be come to, not by words only,
but also by actions, that Antonius is not only not a consul, but is even an
enemy. For if he be consul, then the legions which have deserted the consul
deserve beating to death. Caesar is wicked, Brutus is impious, since they of
their own heads have levied an army against the consul. But if new honors are
to be sought out for the soldiers on account of their divine and immortal
merits, and if it is quite impossible to show gratitude enough to the generals,
who is there who must not think that man a public enemy, whose conduct is such
that those who are in arms against him are considered the saviors of the
republic?
[15] Again, how insulting is he in his
edicts! how ignorant! how like a barbarian! In the first place, how has he
heaped abuse on Caesar, in terms drawn from his recollection of his own
debauchery and profligacy For w here can we find anyone who is chaster than
this young man? Who is more modest? where have we among our youth a more
illustrious example of the old-fashioned strictness.? Who, on the other hand,
is more profligate than the man who abuses him? He reproaches the son of Caius.
Caesar with his want of noble blood, when even his natural father, if he had
been alive, would have been made consul. His mother is a woman of Aricia. You
might suppose he was saving a woman of Tralles or of Ephesus . Just see how we all who come from
the municipal towns that is to say, absolutely all of us are looked down upon,
for how few of us are there who do not come from those towns? and what
municipal town is there which he does not despise who looks with such contempt
on Aricia, a town most ancient as to its antiquity; if we regard its rights,
united with us by treaty; if we regard its vicinity, almost close to us; if we
regard the high character of its inhabitants, most honorable?
[16] It is from Aricia that we have
received the Voconian and Atinian laws {The lex Voconia of 169 BC. (inter alia) deprived women in
certain cases of inheritance by will. The lex Atinia of 197 BC prevented the
ownership of stolen property being acquired by long possession (usucapio).
Another of 130 BC (a plebiscitum) gave a tribune the rank of senator}; from
Aricia have come many of those magistrates who have filled our curule chairs,
both in our fathers' recollection and in our own; from Aricia have sprung many
of the best and bravest of the Roman knights. But if you disapprove of a wife
from Aricia, why do you approve of one from Tusculum ? Although the father of this most
virtuous and excellent woman, Marcus Atius Balbus, a man of the highest
character, was a man of praetorian rank; but the father of your wife,a good
woman, at all events a rich one, a fellow of the name of Bambalio, was a man of
no account at all. Nothing could be lower than he was, a fellow who got his
surname {”Bambalio”= stammerer} as a sort of insult, derived from the
hesitation of his speech and the stolidity of his understanding. Oh, but your
grandfather was nobly born. Yes, he was that Tuditanus who used to put on a
cloak and buskins, and then go and scatter money from the rostra among the
people. I wish he had bequeathed his contempt of money to his descendants! You
have, indeed, a most glorious nobility of family!
[17] But how does it happen that the son
of a woman of Aricia appears to you to be ignoble, when you are accustomed to
boast of a descent on the mother's side which is precisely the same? Besides,
what insanity is it for that man to say any thing about the want of noble birth
in men's wives, when his father married Numitoria of Fregellae, the daughter of
a traitor, and when he himself has begotten children of the daughter of a
freedman. However, those illustrious men Lucius Philippus, who has a wife who
came from Aricia, and Caius Marcellus, whose wife is the daughter of an
Arician, may look to this; and I am quite sure that they have no regrets on the
score of the dignity of those admirable women.
Ch.
7
Moreover, Antonius proceeds to name
Quintus Cicero, my brother's son, in his edict; and is so mad as not to
perceive that the way in which he names him is a panegyric on him. For what
could happen more desirable for this young man, than to be known by every one
to be the partner of Caesar's counsels, and the enemy of the frenzy of
Antonius?
[18] But this gladiator has dared to put
in writing that he had designed the murder of his father and of his uncle. Oh
the marvelous impudence, and audacity, and temerity of such an assertion! to
dare to put this in writing against that young man, whom I and my brother, on
account of his amiable manners, and pure character, and splendid abilities, vie
with one another in loving, and to whom we incessantly devote our eyes, and
ears, and affections! And as to me, he does not know whether he is injuring or
praising me in those same edicts. When he threatens the most virtuous citizens
with the same punishment which I inflicted on the most wicked and infamous of
men, he seems to praise me as if he were desirous of copying me; but when he
brings up again the memory of that most illustrious exploit {The suppression of
Catiline’s conspiracy}, then he thinks that he is exciting some odium against
me in the breasts of men like himself.
Ch.
8
[19] But what is it that he has done
himself? When he had published all these edicts, he issued another, that the
senate was to meet in a full house on the twenty-fourth of November. On that
day he himself was not present. But what were the terms of his edict? These, I
believe, are the exact words of the end of it: If any one fails to attend, all
men will be at liberty to think him the adviser of my destruction and of most
ruinous counsels. What are ruinous counsels? those which relate to the recovery
of the liberty of the Roman people? Of those counsels I confess that I have
been and still am an adviser and prompter to Caesar. Although he did not stand
in need of any one's advice; but still I spurred on the willing horse, as it is
said. For what good man would not have advised putting you to death, when on
your death depended the safety and life of every good man, and the liberty and
dignity of the Roman people?
[20] But when he had summoned us all by so
severe an edict, why did he not attend himself? Do you suppose that he was
detained by any melancholy or important occasion? He was detained drinking and
feasting. If, indeed, it deserves to be called a feast, and not rather
gluttony. He neglected to attend on the day mentioned in his edict; and he
adjourned the meeting to the twenty-eighth of November (ante diem quartum
Kalendas Dec.). He then summoned us to attend in the Capitol; and at that
temple he did arrive himself, coming up through some mine left by the Gauls. {Cicero in Caec.30 speaks
of a mine through which in 390 BC the Gauls attacked the Capitol. But Livy’s
account (V.47) does nor support this}. Men came, having been summoned, some of
them indeed men of high distinction, but forgetful of what was due to their
dignity. For the day was such, the report of the object of the meeting such,
such too the man who had convened the senate, that it was discreditable for a
senate to feel no fear {i.e. not afraid to attend. Cicero seems to be excusing the absent} for
the result. And yet to those men who had assembled he did not dare to say a
single word about Caesar (Octavianus), though he had made up his mind to submit
a motion respecting him to the senate. There was a man of consular rank who had
brought a resolution ready drawn up.
[21] Is it not now admitting that he is
himself an enemy, when he does not dare to make a motion respecting a man who
is leading an army against him while he is consul? For it is perfectly plain
that one of the two must be an enemy; nor is it possible to come to a different
decision respecting adverse generals. If then Caius. Caesar be an enemy, why
does the consul submit no motion to the senate? If he does not deserve to be
branded by the senate, then what can the consul say, who, by his silence respecting
him, has confessed that he himself is an enemy? In his edicts he styles him
Spartacus, while in the senate he does not venture to call him even a bad
citizen.
Ch.
9
But in the most melancholy circumstances
what mirth does he not provoke? I have committed to memory some short phrases
of one edict, which he appears to think particularly clever; but I have not as
yet found any one who has understood what he intended by them.
[22] “That is no insult which a worthy man
does.” Now, in the first place, what is the meaning of “worthy?” For there are
many men worthy of punishment, as he himself is. Does he mean what a man “does”
who is invested with any dignity? if so, what insult can be greater? Moreover,
what is the meaning of “doing an insult”? Who ever uses such an expression?
Then comes, “Nor any ‘fear’ which an enemy threatens.” What then? is fear
usually threatened by a friend? Then came many similar sentences. Is it not
better to be dumb, than to say what no one can understand? Now see why his tutor
{Sex.Clodius, Antonius’s tutor in rhetoric. Cf.Phil.II.17}, exchanging pleas
for plows, has had given to him in the public domain of the Roman people two
thousand acres of land in the Leontine district, exempt from all taxes, for
making a stupid man still stupider at the public expense.
[23] However, these perhaps are trifling
matters. I ask now, why all on a sudden he became so gentle in the senate,
after having been so fierce in his edicts? For what was the object of
threatening Lucius Cassius, a most fearless tribune of the people, and a most
virtuous and loyal citizen, with death if he came to the senate? of expelling
Decimus Carfulenus, a man thoroughly attached to the republic, from the senate
by violence and threats of death? of interdicting Titus Canutius, by whom he
had been repeatedly and deservedly harassed by most legitimate attacks, not
only from the temple itself, but from all approach to it? What was the
resolution of the senate which he was afraid that they would stop by the
interposition of their veto? That, I suppose, respecting the supplication in honor
of Marcus Lepidus, a most illustrious man! Certainly there was a great danger
of our hindering an ordinary compliment to a man on whom we were every day
thinking of conferring some extraordinary honor.
[24] However, that he might not appear to
have had no reason at all for ordering the senate to meet, he was on the point
of bringing forward some motion about the republic when the news about the
fourth legion came; which entirely bewildered him, and hastening to flee away,
he took a division {i.e. by a silent
vote, there thus being no opportunity for panegyric, which on such an occasion
would be expected} on the resolution for decreeing this supplication, though
such a proceeding had never been heard of before.
Ch.
10
But what a setting out was his after this!
what a journey when he was in his robe as a general! {The paludamentum, being
assumed after solemn vows, had a certain sanctity (in Verr.V.13).
[25] You are acting admirably, therefore,
O tribunes of the people, in bringing forward a motion about the protection of
the senate and consuls; and most deservedly are we all bound to feel and to
prove to you the greatest gratitude for your conduct. For how can we be free
from fear and danger while menaced by such covetousness and audacity? And as
for that ruined and desperate man, what more hostile decision can be passed
upon him than has already been passed by his own friends? His most intimate
friend, a man connected with me too, Lucius Lentulus, and also Publius Naso, a
man destitute of covetousness, have shown that they think that they have no
provinces assigned them, and that the allotments of Antonius are invalid.
Lucius. Philippus, a man thoroughly worthy of his father and grandfather and
ancestors, has done the same. The same is the opinion of Marcus Turanius, a man
of the greatest integrity and purity of life. The same is the conduct of
Publius Oppius and those very men,who, influenced by their friendship for
Marcus Antonius, have attributed to him more power than they would perhaps really
approve of,Marcus Piso, my own connection, a most admirable man and virtuous
citizen, and Marcus Vehilius, a man of equal respectability, have both declared
that they would obey the authority of the senate.
[26] Why should I speak of Lucius. Cinna? whose
extraordinary integrity, proved under many trying circumstances, makes the
glory of his present admirable conduct less remarkable; he has altogether
disregarded the province assigned to him; and so has Caius Cestius, a man of
great and firm mind. {Cicero
probably means that these two men were opponents, not partisans of Antonius,
there being less suspicion of favouritism. Destiny, or, Fate: Julius Caesar’s}
Who are there left then to be delighted
with this heaven-sent allotment? Lucius Antonius and Marcus Antonius! O happy
pair! for there is nothing that they wished for more. Caius. Antonius has Macedonia .
Happy, too, is he! For he was constantly talking about this province. Caius
Calvisius has Africa . Nothing could be more
fortunate, for he had only just departed from Africa, and, as if he had divined
that he should return, he left two lieutenants at Utica . Then Marcus Iccius has Sicily , and Quintus Cassius Spain . I do not know what to
suspect. I fancy the lots which assigned these two provinces, were not quite so
carefully attended to by the gods.
Ch.
11
[27] O Caius Caesar (I am speaking of the
young man), what safety have you brought to the republic! How unforeseen has it
been! how sudden! for if he did these things when flying, what would he have
done when he was pursuing? In truth, he had said in a harangue that he would be
the guardian of the city; and that he would keep his army at the gates of the
city till the first of May. What a fine guardian (as the proverb goes) is the wolf
of the sheep! Would Antonius have been a guardian of the city, or its plunderer
and destroyer? And he said too that he would come into the city and go out as
he pleased. What more need I say? Did he not say, in the hearing of all the
people, while sitting in front of the
[28] On this day, O conscript fathers, for
the first time after a long interval do we plant our foot and take possession
of liberty. Liberty ,
of which, as long as I could be, I was not only the defender, but even the
savior. But when I could not be so, I rested; and I bore the misfortunes and
misery of that period without abjectness, and not without some dignity. But as
for this most foul monster, who could endure him, or how could any one endure
him? What is there in Antonius except lust, and cruelty, and wantonness, and
audacity? Of these materials he is wholly made up. There is in him nothing
virtuous, nothing moderate, nothing modest, nothing virtuous.
[29] Wherefore, since the matter has come
to such a crisis that the question is whether he is to make atonement to the
republic for his crimes, or we are to become slaves, let us at last, I beseech
you, by the immortal gods. O conscript fathers, adopt our fathers' courage, and
our fathers' virtue so as either to recover the liberty belonging to the Roman
name and race, or else to prefer death to slavery. We have borne and endured
many things which ought not to be endured in a free city: some of us out of a
hope of recovering our freedom, some from too great a fondness for life. But if
we have submitted to these things, which necessity and a sort of forcer which
may seem almost to have been put on us by destiny {Destiny, or, Fate: Julius
Caesar’s}, have compelled us to endure; though, in point of fact, we have not
endured them; are we also to bear with the most shameful and inhuman tyranny of
this profligate robber?
Ch.
12
[30] What will he do in his passion, if
ever he has the power, who, when he is not able to show his anger against any
one, has been the enemy of all good men? What will he not dare to do when
victorious, who, without having gained any victory, has committed such crimes
as these since the death of Caesar? has emptied his well-filled house? has
pillaged his gardens? has transferred to his own mansion all their ornaments?
has sought to make his death a pretext for slaughter and conflagration? who,
while he has carried two or three resolutions of the senate which have been
advantageous to the republic, has made every thing else subservient to his own
acquisition of gain and plunder? who has put up exemptions and annuities to
sale? who has released cities from obligations? who has removed whole provinces
from subjection to the
[31] And he, now that he has been
prevented from succeeding in this attempt by the wisdom and forces of Caesar,
and the unanimity of the veterans, and the valor of the legions, even now that
his fortunes are desperate, does not diminish his audacity, nor, mad that he
is, does he cease proceeding in his headlong career of fury. He is leading his
mutilated army into Gaul ; with one legion, and
that too wavering in its fidelity to him, he is waiting for his brother Lucius,
as he can not find any one more nearly like himself than him. But now what
slaughter is this man, who has thus become a captain instead of a matador, a
general instead of a gladiator, making, wherever he sets his foot! He destroys
stores, he slays the flocks and herds, and all the cattle, wherever he finds
them; his soldiers revel in their spoil; and he himself, in order to irritate
his brother, drowns himself in wine. Fields are laid waste; villas are
plundered; matrons, virgins, well-horn boys are carried off and given up to the
soldiery; and Marcus Antonius has done exactly the same wherever he has led his
army.
Ch.
13
[32] Will you open your gates to these
most infamous brothers? will you ever admit them into the city? will you not
rather, now that the opportunity is offered to you, now that you have generals
ready, and the minds of the soldiers eager for the service, and all the Roman
people unanimous; and all
[33] It was in expectation of this day
that I avoided the wicked army of Marcus. Antonius, at a time when he, while
inveighing against me, was not aware for what an occasion I was reserving
myself and my strength. If at that time I had chosen to reply to him, while he
was seeking to begin the massacre with me, I should nor now be able to consult
the welfare of the republic. But now that I have this opportunity, I will
never, O conscript fathers, neither by day nor by night, cease considering what
ought to be thought concerning the liberty of the Roman people, and concerning
your dignity. And whatever ought to be planned or done, I not only will never
shrink from, but I will offer myself for, and beg to have entrusted to me. This
is what I did before while it was in my power; when it was no longer in my
power to do so, I did nothing. But now it is not only in my power, but it is
absolutely necessary for me, unless we prefer being slaves to fighting with all
our strength and courage to avoid being slaves.
[34] The immortal gods have given us these
protectors, Caesar for the city, Brutus for Gaul .
For if he had been able to oppress the city we must have become slaves at once;
if he had been able to get possession of Gaul ,
then it would not have been long before every good man must have perished and
all the rest have been enslaved.
Ch.
14
Now then that this opportunity is afforded
to you, O conscript fathers, I entreat you in the name of the immortal gods,
seize upon it; and recollect at last that you are the chief men of the most
honorable council on the whole face of the earth. Give a token to the Roman
people that your wisdom shall not fail the republic, since that too professes
that its valor shall never desert it either. There is no need for my warning
you: there is no one so foolish as not to perceive that if we go to sleep over this
opportunity we shall have to endure a tyranny which will be not only cruel and
haughty, but also ignominious and flagitious.
[35] You know the insolence of Antonius;
you know his friends, you know his whole household. To be slaves to lustful,
wanton, debauched, profligate, drunken gamblers, is the extremity of misery
combined with the extremity of infamy. And if now (but may the immortal gods
avert the omen!) that worst of fates shall befall the republic, then, as brave
gladiators take care to perish with honor, let us too, who are the chief men of
all countries and nations, take care to fall with dignity rather than to live
as slaves with ignominy.
[36] There is nothing more detestable than
disgrace; nothing more shameful than slavery. We have been born to glory and to
liberty; let us either preserve them or die with dignity. Too long have we
concealed what we have felt: now at length it is revealed: every one has
plainly shown what are his feelings to both sides, and what are his
inclinations. There are impious citizens, measured by the love I bear my
country, too many; but in proportion to the multitude of well-affected ones,
very few; and the immortal gods have given the republic an incredible
opportunity and chance for destroying them. For, in addition to the defenses
which we already have, there will soon be added consuls of consummate prudence,
and virtue, and concord, who have already deliberated and pondered for many
months on the freedom of the Roman people. With these men for our advisers and
leaders, with the gods assisting us, with ourselves using all vigilance and
taking great precautions for the future, and with the Roman people acting with
unanimity, we shall indeed be free in a short time, and the recollection of our
present slavery will make liberty sweeter.
Ch.
15
[37] Moved by these considerations, since
the tribunes of the people have brought forward a motion to insure that the
senate shall be able to meet in safety on the first of January, and that we may
be able to deliver our sentiments on the general welfare of the state with
freedom, I give my vote that Caius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, the consuls elect,
do take care that the senate be enabled to meet in safety on the first of
January; and, as an edict has been published by Decimus Brutus, imperator and
consul elect, I vote that the senate thinks that Decimus Brutus, imperator and
consul, deserves excellently well of the republic, inasmuch as he is upholding
the authority of the senate, and the freedom and empire of the Roman people;
[38] and as he is also retaining the
province of Gallia Citerior, a province full of most virtuous and brave men,
and of citizens most devoted to the republic, and his army, in obedience to the
senate, I vote that the senate judges that he, and his army, and the
municipalities and colonies of the province of Gaul, have acted and are acting
properly, and regularly, and in a manner advantageous to the republic. And the
senate thinks that it will be for the general interests of the republic that
the provinces which are at present occupied by Decimus Brutus and by Lucius
Plancus, both imperators, and consuls elect {They had been nominated by Julius
Caesar as consuls for 42 BC in succession to Pansa and Hirtius} , and also by
the officers who are in command of provinces, shall continue to be held by them
in accordance with the provisions of the Julian law, until each of these
officers has a successor appointed by a resolution of the senate; and that they
shall take care to maintain those provinces and armies in obedience to the
senate and people of Rome, and as a defense to the republic. And since, by the
exertions and valor and wisdom of Caius Caesar, and by the admirable unanimity
of the veteran soldiers, who, obeying his authority, have been and are a
protection to the republic, the Roman people has been defended, and is at this
present time being defended, from the most serious dangers.
[39] And as the Martial legion has
encamped at Alba, in a municipal town of the greatest loyalty and courage, and
has devoted itself to the support of the authority of the senate, and of the
freedom of the Roman people; and as the fourth legion, behaving with equal
wisdom and with the same virtue, under the command of Lucius Egnatuleius the
quaestor, an illustrious citizen, has defended and is still defending the
authority of the senate and the freedom of the Roman people; I give my vote,
That it is and shall be an object of anxious care to the senate to pay due
honor and to show due gratitude to them for their exceeding services to the
republic: and that the senate hereby orders that when Caius Pansa and Aulus
Hirtius, the consuls elect, have entered on their office, they take the
earliest opportunity of consulting this body on these matters, as shall seem to
them expedient for the republic, and worthy of their own integrity, and
loyalty.
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