CICERO:
SELECTED LETTERS 48 B.C.
There is a sudden pause in the
correspondence after the letter of the 19th of May, B.C. 49, in which we find Cicero abandoning the passing idea of retirement to Malta - still waiting to be assured of Caesar's
failure in Spain before
taking the plunge and joining Pompey in Greece. The silence is only broken
by the one letter to Terentia written on the 7th of June, the day on which he
finally set sail. Something then had happened between 19th May and 7th June to
finally determine him on taking this step: and it is not unreasonable to
suppose that it was the news of Caesar's dangerous position behind the flooded
river Segre, which prevented the arrival of his supplies; while his opponents
in Spain, Afranius and Petreius, having command of the bridge at Ilerda, could
supply themselves with necessaries. Caesar's
difficulty did not last many days, but exaggerated reports of it reached Rome,
and "Afranius's town house was thronged with visitors offering their
congratulations; and many persons started from Italy to join Pompey, some that
they might be the first to carry the good news, others to avoid the appearance
of having wished to see how things would go and of coming last" (Caes. B.C. 1.53).
Then follows another silence of six months. When we next take up the
correspondence, in January, B.C. 48, we have a few short letters up to the
middle of July from Pompey's quarters. Those from Cicero are almost wholly on private matters,
with only very dark hints at the uneasiness and discontent which he felt at the
state of things in Pompey's camp. Caelius had begun to regret his adhesion to
Caesar, but Dolabella was still urging Cicero
to retire from active participation in the war. Cicero appears to have given much umbrage to
the Pompeians by his caustic criticisms on the management of the campaign and
the conduct of his party generally (Plut. Cic. 38; Phil. 2.57). After the 15th of July there is another pause
in the letters of nearly four months, and when it again opens the issue of the
war had been settled at Pharsalia, and Cicero is in Brundisium on sufferance,
having been invited or permitted by Caesar to return from Patrae - to which he
had gone from the fleet at Corcyra - to Italy, not venturing yet to return to
Rome. There he has to remain till late in September, B.C. 47, when Caesar's
return from the Alexandrine and Asiatic wars at last relieved him from this
quasi-exile. He met Caesar near Tarentum, who greeted him with warmth, and
invited him to return to Rome
and resume his position there (Plut. Cic. 39). It must have been a dreary time, and his
letters, as usual, reflect his feelings, but with somewhat less exaggeration
than do those of the exile. He was really in greater danger, and owed something
to the forbearance of Antony
as well as to that of Caesar (Phil. 2.5). He had besides the sorrow of finding that his
brother Quintus and his nephew had not only hastened to give in their adhesion
to Caesar, but had passionately denounced him to the conqueror
CDVI (F
VIII. 17)
M. CAELIUS RUFUS TO CICERO (IN EPIRUS)
-
ROME (FEBRUARY
OR MARCH) 48 B.C.
To think that I was in Spain
rather than at Formiae when you started to join Pompey I Oh that Appius
Claudius had been on our side, or Gaius Curio on yours!1 It was my friendship for the latter that
gradually edged me on to this infernal party - for I feel that my good sense
was destroyed between anger and affection. You too - when, being on the point
of starting for Ariminum,2
I came at night to visit you - in the midst of your giving me messages for
Caesar about peace, and playing your rôle of fine citizen, you quite forgot
your duty as a friend and took no thought of my interests. And I am not saying
this because I have lost confidence in this cause, but, believe me, I'd rather
die than see these fellows here.3
Why, if people were not afraid of your men being bloodthirsty, we should long
ago have been driven out of Rome.
For here, with the exception of a few moneylenders, there is not a man or a
class that is not Pompeian. Personally, I have brought it about that the masses
above all, and - what was formerly ours - the main body of citizens should be
now on your side.4
"Why did I do so?" quote you. Nay, wait for what is to come: I'll
make you conquer in spite of yourselves. You shall see me play the part of a
second Cato.5 You
are asleep, and do not appear to me as yet to understand where we are open to
attack, and what our weak point is. And I shall act thus from no hope of
reward, but, what is ever the strongest motive with me, from indignation and a
feeling of having been wronged. What are you doing over there? Are you Waiting
for a battle? That's Caesar's strongest point. I don't know about your forces;
ours have become thoroughly accustomed to fighting battles and making light of
cold and hunger.6
1] For Caelius's quarrel with Appius, see vol. ii.,
pp.194, 195. He thinks that if Appius had been a Caesarian that would have made
him turn Pompeian. But the reading is doubtful.
2] Reading Ariminum
with Mueller. The MSS. have Arimino; Tyrrell and Purser
read Arpino. But Caelius evidently refers to his going to
join Caesar, and though we do not know otherwise of his having done so at Ariminum, this best accounts for his having been early employed
by Caesar, as we know he was, vol. ii., p.298. His visit to Cicero would then be in the first week of
January, and he would probably start for Ariminum before
the news had come of the crossing of the Rubicon.
3] Trebonius and other Caesarians.
4] Caelius contrasts plebs
and populus. Of course these terms no longer have the old
political meaning; but plebs had come to be used as we
use the "masses" for the lower orders generally; whereas populus was the whole body of the citizens as possessed of
political power; and when contrasted with plebs may be
taken to mean the whole body politic which formed the majority at the comitia -
the mass of voters. Caelius tried to gain the latter by opposing the exaction
of debts under arbitration, as arranged by Caesar, and by proposing a
suspension of house rents.
5] The reading is very doubtful. The reference,
perhaps, is to Gaius Cato, the turbulent tribune of B.C.
56.
6] Caelius seems to insinuate that Pompey's
wisest course would be to avoid an engagement and to make again for Italy, where
the Caesarians were weak.
This is the last appearance of Caelius in the correspondence. The
discontent with his position here indicated - founded on the fact that though
he had been appointed praetor by Caesar's influence, Trebonius was praetor urbanus and in a superior position to himself - presently led
him to take up a position of violent opposition, especially regard to Caesar's
financial arrangements, the result of which was that he was forcibly suspended
from his functions by the consul Servilius Isauricus. Finally,
under pretence of going to Caesar at Alexandria,
he attempted to join Milo in Apulia,
who was trying to secure by force his own restoration, which had not been
included in the revocation of other exiles. Milo, however, had already fallen; and when Caelius
proceeded to raise forces on his own account, before he could do anything
material, he was killed near Thurii by some foreign
auxiliary soldiers, whom he attempted to win over. (Caes. B.C. 3.20-22; Dio Cass. 42.21.)
CDVII (F
IX. 9)
DOLABELLA TO CICERO
(IN EPIRUS) -
CAESAR'S CAMP IN EPIRUS
(MAY OR JUNE) 48 B.C.
If you are well, I am glad. I am
quite well, and so is our dear Tullia. Terentia has been rather unwell, but I
am assured that she has now recovered. In all other respects things are quite
as they should be at your house. Though at no time did I deserve to be
suspected by you of acting from party motives rather than from a regard to your
interests, when I urged you either to join Caesar and myself, or at least to
retire from open war, especially since victory has already inclined in our
favour, it is now not even possible that I should create any other impression
than that of urging upon you what I could not, with due regard to my duty as
your son-in-law, suppress. On your part, my dear Cicero, pray regard what follows - whether you
accept or reject the advice - as both conceived and written with the best
possible intention and the most complete devotion to yourself.
You observe that Pompey is not secured either by the
glory of his name and achievements, or by the list of client kings and peoples,
which he was frequently wont to parade: and that even what has been possible
for the rank and file, is impossible for him, - to effect an honourable
retreat: driven as he has been from Italy, the Spanish provinces lost, a
veteran army captured, and now finally inclosed by his enemy's lines.1 Such disasters I
rather think have never happened to a Roman general. Wherefore employ all your
Wisdom in considering what either he or you have to hope. For thus you will
most easily adopt the policy which will be to your highest advantage. Yet I do
beg this of you,—that if Pompey succeeds in avoiding this danger and taking
refuge with his fleet, you should consult for your own interests, and at length
be your own friend rather than that of anyone else in the world. You have by
this time satisfied the claims of duty or friendship, whichever you choose to
call it: you have fulfilled all obligations to your party also, and to that
constitution to which you are devoted. It remains to range ourselves with the
constitution as now existing, rather than, while striving for the old one, to
find ourselves with none at all. Wherefore my desire is, dearest Cicero, that, supposing Pompey to be driven from this
district also and compelled to seek other quarters, you should betake yourself
to Athens or
any peaceful city you choose. If you decide to do so, pray write and tell me,
that I may, if I possibly can, hurry to your side. Whatever marks of
consideration for your rank have to be obtained from the commander-in-chief,
such is Caesar's kindness, that it will be the easiest thing in the world for
you to obtain them from him yourself: nevertheless, I think that a petition
from me also will not be without considerable weight with him. I trust to your
honour and kindness also to see that the letter-carrier whom I send to you may
be enabled to return to me, and bring me a letter from you.
1] This refers to the lines,
fifteen miles long, drawn by Caesar round Pompey's position on the bay of Dyrrachium. They were not,
however, completed at the southern extremity, and shortly afterwards pierced
them at this point, and inflicted a severe defeat upon Caesar.
CDXII (F XIV. 6)
CICERO TO TERENTIA –
EPIRUS,
15 JULY 48 B.C.
It is not very often that there is anyone to
whom I can entrust a letter, nor have I anything that I am willing to write.
From your letter last received I understand that no estate has been able to
find a purchaser. Wherefore pray consider how the person may be satisfied whose
claims you know that I wish satisfied. As for the gratitude which our daughter
expresses to you, I am not surprised that your services to her are such, that
she is able to thank you on good grounds. If Pollex has not yet started, turn
him out as soon as you can. Take care of your health.
15 July. [There is now a break in the
correspondence for more than three months, in the course of which the fate of
the Republic was decided. On the 7th of July, Caesar, after Pompey had pierced
his lines and inflicted a defeat upon him, retreated into Thessaly.
Pompey's exultant followers forced him to follow, and on the 9th of August the
battle of Pharsalia drove Pompey to his retreat and death in Egypt, and made Caesar master of
the Empire. The fleet, indeed, still held out, and took those of the Pompeians
who had not been in the battle or had escaped from it to Africa and Spain.
But Cicero (who was with the fleet at Corcyra) refused to join in continuing
the war, and after staying some time at Patrae returned to Brundisium, having,
it appears, received Caesar's permission through Dolabella to do so. At
Brundisium, however, he waited many months, not venturing to approach Rome till Caesar's will
was known. It is during his residence at Brundisium that the next thirty-three
letters are written. The dates are according to the unreformed calendar - in
advance of the true time as much perhaps as two months.)
CDXVI (A
XI. 6)
CICERO TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)
–
BRUNDISIUM, 27 NOVEMBER 48 B.C.
I perceive that you are anxious
both for your own and for our common fortunes, and above all for me and my
sorrow, which, so far from being lessened by the association of yours with it,
is thereby actually increased. Assuredly your sagacity has led you to divine
the exact consolation that gives me the greatest relief. For you express
approval of my policy, and say that in the circumstances what I did was the
best thing I could do. You also add - what is of smaller importance in my eyes
than your own opinion, and yet is not unimportant - that everybody else,
everybody that is that matters, approves the step I have taken. If I thought
that to be the case, it would lessen my pain. "Believe me," you say.
I believe you of course, but I know how anxious you are to soothe my pain. Of
abandoning the war I have not repented for a moment. So bloodthirsty were their
sentiments, so close their alliance with barbarous tribes, that a scheme of
proscription was formed - not against individuals, but whole classes - and the
conviction was universally entertained by them that the property of you all was
the prize of his victory. I say "you" advisedly: for even as to you
personally there were never any but the harshest ideas. Wherefore I shall never
repent of my decision: what I do repent of is my plan of procedure. I could
have wished that I had rather remained in some town until invited to Italy.1 I should have exposed
myself to less remark and have felt less pain; this particular regret would not
have been wringing my heart. To lie idle at Brundisium is vexatious in every
point of view. As to coming nearer the city, as you advise, how can I do so
without the lictors given me by the people? They cannot be taken from me as
long as I am possessed of my civil rights. These lictors, as a temporary
measure, when approaching the town, I caused to mingle with the crowd with only
sticks in their hands, to prevent any attack on the part of the soldiery.2 Since then I have
confined myself to my house.3
I wrote to ask Oppius and Balbus to turn over in their minds as to how they
thought that I should approach Rome. I think they will advise my doing so. For
they undertake that Caesar will be anxious not only to preserve, but to enhance
my position, and they exhort me to be of good courage, and to hope for the most
distinguished treatment in all respects. This they pledge themselves to and
affirm. Yet I should have felt more sure of it, if I had remained where I was.
But I am harping upon what is past. Look therefore, I beg of you, to what
remains to be done and investigate the case in conjunction with them; and if
you think it necessary and they approve, let Trebonius and Pansa and anyone
else be called into council, that Caesar's approbation of my step may be the
better secured as having been taken in accordance with the opinion of his own
friends, and let them write and tell Caesar that whatever I have done I have
done in accordance with their judgment.
My dear Tullia's ill-health and weakness frightens me
to death. I gather that you are shewing her great attention, for which I am
deeply grateful.
I never had any doubt about what would be the end of
Pompey. Such a complete despair of his success had taken possession of the
minds of all the kings and nations, that I thought this would happen wherever
he landed. I cannot but lament his fall: for I know him to have been honest,
pure, and a man of principle.4
Am I to condole with you about Fannius?5
He used to indulge in mischievous talk about your remaining at Rome: while L.
Lentulus had promised himself Hortensius's town house,6 Caesar's suburban villa, and an estate at
Baiae. This sort of thing is going on upon this side in precisely the same way.
The only difference is that in the former case there was no limit. For all who
remained in Italy
were held to be enemies. But I should like to talk over this some time or other
when my mind is more at ease. I am told that my brother Quintus has started for
Asia, to make his peace. About his son I have
heard nothing. But ask Caesar's freedman Diochares, who brought the letter you
mention from Alexandria.
I have not seen him. He is said to have seen Quintus on his way - or perhaps in
Asia itself. I am expecting a letter from you,
as the occasion demands. Pray take care to get it conveyed to me as soon as
possible.
27 November.
1] Apparently the expression of Caesar's wish to Dolabella,
which he afterwards quotes in his own justification, does not seem to him
sufficiently formal.
2] Brundisium was in the hands of the Caesarians
under Vatinius with ships and men.
3] The text of this sentence is very uncertain. I have followed
Mueller's reliquotempore me domi tenui...ad Balbumscripsi.
4] Pompey was murdered on landing in Egypt on the 28th of September. The
coldness of this reference does not accord well with Cicero's former warm expressions as to his
"gratitude" to Pompey. But his language in regard to him is by no
means uniformly that of admiration, often quite the reverse; and there had been
much strained feeling between them in the camp in Epirus.
5] C. Fannius, tribune in B.C. 59. He was sent to Sicily
B.C. 49, but appears not to have gone, or at any rate he soon returned and
joined Pompey in Epirus.
Whether he fell at Pharsalia, or afterwards with Pompey, we have no other
information.
6] L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, one of the consuls
of the previous year. Hortensius - the famous orator - was noted for the
splendour of his villas; his town house, in which Augustus afterwards lived, is
described by Suetonius as a "moderate building" (Aug. ch. 72); but
that was in view of the splendid buildings of the imperial age. It seems to have been
conspicuous at this time. The right owner, the younger Hortensius, was serving
Caesar.
CDXVIII
(A XI. 7)
CICERO TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)
–
BRUNDISIUM, 17 DECEMBER 48 B.C.
I am much obliged for your letter,
in which you have set forth with great care all that you thought had any
bearing on my position. Is it the case then, as you say in your letter, that
your friends think that I should retain my lictors on the ground that Sestius
has been allowed to do so?1
But in his case I don't consider that his own lictors have been allowed him,
but that lictors have been given him by Caesar himself.2 For I am told that he refuses to acknowledge
any decrees of the Senate passed after the withdrawal of the tribunes.3 Wherefore he will
be able without forfeiting his consistency to acknowledge my lictors. However,
why should I talk about lictors, who am all but ordered to quit Italy?
For Antony has sent me a copy of Caesar's letter to him, in which he says that
"he has been told that Cato and L. Metellus had come to Italy, with the
intention of living openly at Rome: that he disapproved of that, for fear of
its being the cause of disturbances: and that all are forbidden to come to Italy
except those whose case he had himself investigated." And on this point
the language of the despatch is very strong. Accordingly, Antony in his letter to me begged me to
excuse him: "he could not but obey that letter." Then I sent L. Lamia
to him, to point out that Caesar had told Dolabella to write and bid me come to
Italy
at the first opportunity: that I had come in consequence of his letter. 4 Thereupon he made a
special exception in his edict of myself and Laelius by name. I had much rather he had not
done that; for the exception itself could have been made without mentioning
names.5 Oh, what
endless, what formidable dangers! However, you are doing your best to mitigate
them: and not without success, - the very fact that you take such pains to
lessen my distress lessens it. Pray do not get tired of doing so as frequently
as possible. Now, you will best succeed in your object, if you can persuade me
to think that I have not entirely forfeited the good opinion of the loyalists.
And yet what can you do in that regard? Nothing, of course. But if
circumstances do give you any opportunity, that is what will best be able to
console me. I see that at present this is impossible, but if any thing should
turn up in the course of events, as in the present instance! It used to be said
that I ought to have left the country with Pompey. His death has disarmed
criticism on that sin of omission. But of all things the one most found wanting
in me is that I have not gone to Africa. Now
my view of the question was this, - I did not think that the constitution ought
to be defended by foreign auxiliaries drawn from the most treacherous race,
especially against an army that had been frequently victorious. They perhaps
disapprove that view. For I hear that many loyalists have arrived in Africa, and I know that there were many there before. On
this point I am much pressed. Here again I must trust to luck, - that Some of
them, or, if possible, all should be found to prefer their personal safety. For
if they stick to their colours and prevail, you perceive what my position will
be. You will say, "What about them, if they are beaten?" Such a blow
is more creditable to them. These are the thoughts that torture me. You did not
explain in your letter why you do not prefer Sulpicius's6 policy to mine. Though it is not so reputable
that of Cato, yet it is free from danger and vexation. The last case is that of
those who remain in Achaia. Even they are in a better position than I am, in
two respects: there are many together in one place; and, when they do come to Italy, they will come straight back to Rome. Pray continue your
present efforts to soften these difficulties and to secure the approbation of
as many as possible. You apologize for not coming to me: I however am well
acquainted with your reasons, and I also think it to my advantage that you
should be where you are, if only to make to the proper people - as you are
actually doing - the representations that have to be made in my behalf. Above
all pray observe this. I believe that there are a number of people who have
reported or will report to Caesar either that I repent of the course I have
adopted, or do not approve of what is now going on: and, though both statements
are true, yet they are made by them from an unfriendly feeling to me, not
because they have perceived them to be so. In regard to this everything depends
on Balbus and Oppius supporting my cause, and on Caesar's kind disposition
towards me being confirmed by frequent letters from them. Pray do your utmost
to secure that. A second reason for my not wishing you to leave Rome is that you mention
in your letter that Tullia implores your help. What a misfortune! What am I to
say? What can I wish? I will be brief: for a sudden flood of tears stops me. I
leave it to you. Do as you think right. Only be careful that at such a crisis
as this there may be no danger to her safety. Pardon me, I beseech you: I
cannot dwell on this topic any longer for tears and grief. I will only say that
nothing is more soothing to my feelings than your affection for her.
I am obliged to you for seeing to letters being sent
to those to whom you think it necessary.7
I have seen a man who says that he saw young Quintus at Samos, and his father
at Sicyon. They
will easily obtain their pardons. I only hope that, as they will have seen
Caesar first, they may choose to aid me with him as much as I should have
wished to aid them, if I had had the power! You ask me not to be annoyed if
there are any expressions in your letter likely to give me pain. Annoyed! Nay,
I implore you to write everything to me with complete candour, as you do, and
to do so as often as possible.
Good-bye. 15 December.
1] The text is corrupt. I venture to read: arbitratus es.
Itane estigitur, ut scribis, istisplacere eisdem lictoribus me uti, quod concessum Sestio
sit? Itane may without much violence be extracted from t ea, and factum be an inserted explanation
of est.
2] To P. Sestius had been allotted the province of Cilicia
in succession to Cicero, but this allotment had taken place after the expulsion
of the Tribunes in January, B.C. 49; for we know that Curio had up to 10th
December, B.C. 50, prevented any decree as to the provinces. Therefore, Cicero argues, Caesar, who
would not acknowledge any Senatus Consultum after the
expulsion of the Tribunes, if he allows of Sestius having imperium, must do so
as an act of his own. But in Cicero's
own case his imperium dated long before, and Caesar could consistently
acknowledge it.
3] M. Antonius and Q. Cassius.
4] Cicero repeats this assertion of
Caesar's invitation afterwards, in answer to Antony's remark that he spared him at Brundisium when he might have killed him. (Phil. 2.5.)
5] Cicero
did not wish his name to be mentioned as specially favoured by Caesar, for fear
of being discredited with the Pompeians, should they eventually prevail.
6] Servius Sulpicius Rufus retired to Samos after Pharsalia, and was soon afterwards employed by Caesar to govern
Greece.
His son had been in Caesar's army.
7] I. e., written in Cicero's name.
CDXX (A
XI. 8)
CICERO TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)
–
BRUNDISIUM, 25 DECEMBER 48 B.C.
Though you of course see for
yourself with what heavy anxieties I am consumed, yet you will be enlightened
on that point by Lepta and Trebatius. I am being severely punished for my rashness,
which you wish me to consider prudence; and I do not wish to prevent your
maintaining that view and mentioning it in letters as often as possible. For
your letter gives me sensible relief at such a time as this. You must exert
yourself to the utmost by means of those who are favourably disposed to me and
are influential with Caesar, especially by means of Balbus and Oppius, to
induce them to write on my behalf as zealously as possible. For I am being
attacked, as I hear, both by certain persons who are with him and by letter. We
must counteract them as vigorously as the importance of the matter demands.
Fufius1 is there, a very bitter enemy of mine. Quintus
has sent his son not only to plead on his own behalf, but also to accuse me. He
gives out that he is being assailed by me before Caesar, though Caesar himself
and all his friends refute this. Indeed he never stops, wherever he is, heaping
every kind of abuse upon me. Nothing has ever happened to me so much surpassing
my worst expectations, nothing in these troubles that has given me so much
pain. People who say that they heard them from his own lips, when he was
publicly talking at Sicyon
in the hearing of numerous persons, have reported some abominable things to me.
You know his style, perhaps have even had personal experience of it:2 well, it is all now
turned upon me. But I increase my sorrow by mentioning it, and perhaps do the
same to you. Wherefore I return to what I was saying: take care that Balbus
sends someone expressly for this purpose. Pray have letters sent in my name to
whom you choose.
Good-bye. 25 December.
1] Q Fufius Calenus
2] The tendency of Quintus to
indulge in violent language is often referred to.
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